Critical urban studies has shifted in recent years toward a focus on inequality and identity-based tension in developing countries. These theories have evolved alongside pressure for inclusive urban governance that recognizes a right to difference for minorities in cities. In the rapidly urbanizing People's Republic of China, these complex issues threaten the inclusiveness of future development. Ürümqi, the capital city of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), has been the site of social unrest between the Han Chinese majority and the Uyghur minority for more than a century. Economic growth and urbanization have resulted in increasing inequality and tensions between Han and Uyghur people that periodically erupt in violence, as did in Ürümqi in July of 2009. These tensions are complicated by the socio-economic marginalization of minorities, and the exclusion of the overall population from urban governance processes. Following the July 2009 riots, the Xinjiang government expressed willingness for more inclusive urban development; however the local government lacks the necessary tools to facilitate participation, and as such resident perceptions go unheard. This study adapts critical urban theory and Chinese political thought for the non-democratic context of Ürümqi, China. The perceptions of local residents are evaluated using a questionnaire and focus groups, through which it is shown that resident perceptions and use of urban space are heavily affected by ethnic identity. This, coupled with the banning of Uyghur cultural practices and exclusion of residents from public affairs, exacerbates urban inequalities and identity-based tension. It is important that critical urban studies take residents' inability to participate in urban governance processes (particularly in non-democratic contexts) into account when studying the link between identity and urban space.

Like many before, this thesis uses the tragedy of the Holocaust as a historical comparison to an event occurring today, mainly in the Xinjiang region of the People’s Republic of China. Many historians have argued that comparisons to the Holocaust should be academically or intellectually prohibited. Many have stated that such an effort could minimize the perceived severity of or unintentionally raise other events to the level of the Jewish genocide. However, such comparisons should be permitted and are necessary to help prevent a similar atrocity from ever occurring again. There is much to be learned from Nazi policy and ideology that may be used to aid genocide prevention. Thus, this paper will discuss how policies or actions within two cases may be similar or different via comparative analysis. Such a discussion will be approached by examining basic principles of Nazi ideology and directly comparing them to the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party. The secondary portion of this research will evaluate a direct comparison of the policies of Nazi Germany and the People’s Republic of China regarding the respective minorities in question. Furthermore, this piece's preliminary assumption is that the two cases will be vastly different. Like many complex cases throughout history, few show literal parallels- especially those birthing from different cultures and spanning separate eras. This thesis fundamentally tackles the uncertainty of dissimilarity between the two cases aforementioned.

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Cette thèse en Histoire et sémiologie porte sur les représentations de l’unité du peuple chinois (1949-2009) et le traitement médiatique des conflits au Tibet (2008) et au Xinjiang (2009). Dans le cadre d'une approche sémiotique, l'analyse des images et des textes nous permet de considérer comment les discours d'information, les discours institutionnels et ceux des industries culturelles font la promotion de l'unité du peuple chinois. Ce travail se concentre sur les écritures portées par le gouvernement chinois soucieux de proposer le récit collectif d'une société harmonieuse, de maintenir une nation solidaire au moment de deux crises sociales entre les Hans et les ethnies minoritaires. L'année 2008 aurait dû, grâce aux Jeux Olympiques, être l'année favorisant le nation-branding d'une Chine victorieuse. Or, cinq mois avant l’ouverture des JO de Pékin, les événements de Lhassa, capitale de la région autonome du Tibet, mettent sous tension le gouvernement chinois et soulignent une fracture profonde entre les Hans et les Tibétains. Un an après, des émeutes surviennent dans la Région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang. Pour traiter les récits médiatiques, nous comparons à la fois les différents points de vue portés par des journalistes chinois et français sur ces événements, nous observons aussi comment un certain nombre d’Ouïghours ont participé à un mouvement de réhabilitation des Xinjiangrens (habitants du Xinjiang) à la suite de la publication d’un livre Je viens du Xinjiang, ouvrage qui fait partie de notre corpus. Cette thèse observe donc comment les médias d'information, les séries télévisées, les écritures de l'histoire officielle promue par le gouvernement chinois, les productions des industries culturelles (cinéma, émissions de plateau, projets d'éditions imprimées...) finissent par former la légende collective de l'unité du peuple chinois. / The present thesis in History and Semiology concentrates on the representations of the unity of Chinese people (1949-2009) and the media coverage of conflicts in Tibet (2008) and Xinjiang (2009). From a semiotic approach, the analysis of images and texts give us an overview of how the information discourse, political discourse and cultural industry discourse, promote the unity of the Chinese people. This current research focuses on the writings of the Chinese government whose main concerns are to construct a collective narrative of a harmonious society and to maintain a united nation at the time of two social crises between the Han Chinese and other Chinese ethnic minorities. The year of 2008 should, thanks to the Olympic Games, be the year in favor of the nation-branding of a victorious in China. However, five months before the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the events in Lhasa -the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region- put the Chinese government under pressure and brought to light the great divide between the Han and the Tibetans. A year later, riots occurred in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In order to analyze the media narrative, we compare different points of view of both Chinese and French journalists on these events. We also observe how a number of Uyghurs participated in a rehabilitation movement of Xinjiangrens (people of Xinjiang) after the publication of the book I come from Xinjiang - a work that is a part of our corpus. As a result, this thesis observes how, in 21st centry, the news, the television series, the official writings of the history promoted by the Chinese government, a diverse range of productions of cultural industries (new technology of information and communication, social network, cinema, TV program and the traditional media...) contribute to re-write a new collective legend of the unity of Chinese people.

L'Asie centrale joua un rôle important dans les réseaux des échanges d'idées, de connaissances et de biens entre l'Orient et l'Occident. Les recherches archéologiques récentes montrent que la formation de ces réseaux remonte à l'âge du Bronze, et que la région du Xinjiang est au centre de ces problématiques. Le début des interactions directes est dû à la diffusion de la culture de Qiemu'erqieke de la région de l'Altaï, qui établit les premiers contacts avec les cultures du Corridor du Hexi dans Xinjiang oriental. L'expansion progressive de la culture d'Andronovo de l'Asie centrale occidentale maintint ces relations et acheva la formation de nouveaux itinéraires de contacts entre l'Asie centrale et le Corridor du Hexi. Ces derniers traversent la région du Xinjiang. Ce nouveau réseau de la communication est connu plus tard, pendant les périodes historiques, sous le nom de la «Route de la soie». / Beginning in the third century BC, the biggest trade network in world history developed within only a few centuries. The Xinjiang region plays an important role of crossroad for transportation and exchanges of peoples, goods, and ideas between China and the rest of Eurasia. Archaeological records show that these cultural phenomena from East and West bear witness to repeated material and technological exchanges, as well as interethnic marriages. Meanwhile, the Eurasian Steppe Cultures developed metallurgy, horse­breeding and wheeled transportation, earlier than the human groups of the Chinese Central Plain. Through these early contacts, some advanced technologies were also absorbed by the Central Plain Cultures, becoming, a few centuries later, important features for the development of Chinese culture. The Early East-West exchanges and communications between human groups belonging to different cultures laid the foundations for the subsequent "Silk Roads".

This thesis analyses tha impact of the Xinjiang Problem on the foreign policy of China. Because of its strategic location and natural resources, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has great importance for China. this thesis argues that Chinese foreign policy towards Central Asian region has been shaped by security considerations of China related to the Xinjiang Problem. the Xinjiang Problem shapes China&#039 / s foreign relaitons wsth Central Asian States, Russia, the U.S. and Turkey becouse this problem has became important element of China&#039 / s territorial integrity as well ass its strategy of stabilizing Central Asian region.

Tian Huan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-134). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Part I: --- Demography in Space --- p.13 / Chapter Chapter One: --- Understanding the Data --- p.13 / Chapter 1.1 --- Formation of the administrative structure in late Qing and its GIS representation --- p.13 / Chapter 1.2 --- Population data reconsidered --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Documenting the Demographic Patterns --- p.29 / Chapter 2.1 --- Economic Patterns --- p.29 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Population density --- p.29 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Area of cultivated land --- p.32 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Ratio of urban dwellers to rural dwellers --- p.36 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- " Ratio of commercial (industry, agricultural) population" --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2 --- Ethnic Patterns --- p.48 / Chapter 2.3 --- Distribution pattern of schools --- p.54 / Chapter 2.4 --- Distribution of political elite (guan and shi) --- p.55 / Chapter Part II: --- Markets in Space --- p.60 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Trade Patterns in Geographic Context --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1 --- Trade of Grains --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2 --- Cotton and cotton cloth --- p.69 / Chapter 3.3 --- Trade of fur and livestock --- p.82 / Chapter 3.4 --- Trade of Herbal Medicines --- p.88 / Chapter 3.5 --- Trade of Oil and Wine --- p.90 / Chapter 3.6 --- Overview of the Xinjiang markets in space --- p.93 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Trades within and without Xinjiang --- p.95 / Chapter 4.1. --- Foreign commercial relations --- p.95 / Chapter 4.2. --- Local marketing system: the relationship between the economies of South and North Xinj iang --- p.102 / Chapter 4.3 --- Trade with the China Proper --- p.107 / Conclusion --- p.113 / The economy and trade of Xinjiang: issues of integration and sinicization --- p.113 / Methodological implication: GIS for historical regional research --- p.119 / Appendixes --- p.121 / Glossary --- p.121 / Place Names --- p.121 / Personal Names and Terms --- p.122 / Place Name of Hanyu Pinyin and English --- p.123 / A map sample in Jiukan Xingjiang yutu --- p.124 / Bibliography --- p.125

Master's thesis. / Database: Nordic Web Publications. Format: PDF.

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "December 2002." AD-A411 341. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.