Thesis, M.A., University of Hong Kong. / Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

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published_or_final_version / Earth Sciences / Master / Master of Philosophy

The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.

The past decade has seen a transformation in the relationships among states in the Xinjiang-Central Asian region. The thesis is an analysis of this relationship, a relationship primarily built on economic and strategic interdependency. Within the thesis, the basis of the relationship is established; the extent of the relationship is ascertained, and the impact of this relationship is evaluated. The thesis differs from previous studies of this area in several ways. The most significant is that a group of Central Asian states and an autonomous region of China have formed into a unit of economic interdependency, which needs to be assessed as a group rather than as individual entities. Much of previous and recent scholarship tends to focus on issues within a particular country or part of a country, such as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. However, it is my contention that this is not an adequate representation of what is occurring in the region today. The focus needs to be widened to take into account the dynamics of this interdependent relationship which consists of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and several of the former Soviet Union states, primarily Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. All of these states with the exception of Uzbekistan are contiguous with Xinjiang. This relationship of interdependency has reached a level sufficient to influence decisions taken by governments within the region, and a prime factor of this has been the suppression of secessionist movements, principally Uygur separatist movements, among the Uygur diaspora residing in neighbouring states. Another highly relevant issue the thesis evaluates is sources of tension within the Xinjiang-Central Asian region and the impact these tensions have on the interdependency relationship. An assessment is made as to whether because of this interdependency, the sources of tension may not be adequately addressed by the respective governments to the satisfaction of the general populace. This is seen as due to the individual governments' hesitation to upset China by addressing such matters as border demarcation and transboundary water diversion between China and neighbouring states. An outcome of this scenario may be that many of the tensions are left to simmer and therefore bode ill for future stability in the region. Fundamentally, the thesis argues that the matters raised in the previous paragraphs need to be assessed on the basis of an ongoing relationship of interdependency encompassing Xinjiang and several neighbouring Central Asian states. The overlapping of multiple sources of commonality such as geography, ethnicity, culture, religion, economics and strategic matters, dictates that we should not assess issues on a country-by-country basis. Rather, it is necessary to consider the region as a whole, taking into account the prevailing conditions emanating from this relationship of economic and strategic interdependency.

As China’s economy and international prominence continues to grow, Beijing is now, more than ever, developing its inner and Western provinces, including Xinjiang. Its interests in Xinjiang extend to the greater South and Central Asian region as China continues to form diplomatic alliances and economic ties with its bordering neighbors. In particular, China’s move to the west and the recent designation of Kashgar as a Special Economic Zone has been an important factor for Beijing’s deepening relations with Pakistan, it’s gateway not only to South Asia but also to the greater Central Asian region. This paper will examine the steps China is taking to establish Xinjiang as a major trade and transport hub in the “New Central Asia,” and how the city of Kashgar is being developed to facilitate significant transnational trade and development with Pakistan. It will also examine China’s recent investments and development projects in Pakistan and how its neighbor in South Asia is now one of its most important allies in the region. It will posit that China’s thirst for energy resources, namely oil and natural gas from Central Asia and the Middle East, has prompted Beijing to place more emphasis on maintaining and deepening relations with Pakistan. Moreover, this paper will assess how Sino- Pakistani relations in the 21st are affecting China’s relations with India, especially in regards to Christopher Pehrson’s “String of Pearls” concept. This thesis will focus on two major case studies: the establishment of Kashgar as an SEZ and the development of the Gwadar Port in Southern Pakistan, and will show that in many regards, both projects are facing the same development problems.

Summary Here are different Governing strategy to the border area in China's history, It relates to environmental factor under different space-time, The system of having garrison troops open up wasteland and grow food grain of successive dynasties is a kind of strategy that response too. After China builds in 1949, replied the complicated environment of Xinjiang, Nationality's historical background and stability of Xinjiang both need a unique organization with development, So the China has managed the policy of Xinjiang and situation at that time and offered and set up this condition of organization. The production and construction of Xinjiang accomplishing the task of stationing troops for opening up wasteland and guarding the frontier,The formation is the special organization that Its particularity has unique functions in such five respects as economy, the military, politics, culture, society,etc. So formation's special function, Have formed formation's special system, special institutional framework is while fulfilling formation's function, Have become the formation's own contradiction instead, These contradictions have caused the question which the formation develops. One present formation's subject, Just facing this incongruous place of organization and market-based mechanism, Key to formation's future development, Handle the relation between the special system and market mechanism well. Up to the environmental changes of era, Formation's key task is different, But the present situation of Xinjiang, Still there is space of development in the formation; So can expect, This unique organization of the formation is within some time of future, Still have a necessity of existence. The Research twill look over formation in the China¡¦s governing strategy toward Xinjiang , Probe into the internal and external environment that the formation establishes, How to finish the multi-functional task and impact on situation of Xinjiang; Analyse the place that the formation and market function are incongruous, How to answer in the future; In the new governing strategy of the China after the incident of the Seventh- Five event, The formation consolidates the role that acted of strategy of key interests in the China, It will be another stage task.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1988.