By utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) methodology, this study explores the ideological function of language in the Kurdish journalistic discourse of the pre-WWI period (1898-1914). Informed by the CDA approach, the present study perceives language as a social practice that produces meanings and presumes a dialectical relationship between language and ideology in the construction of social realities, beliefs and identities. Hence, this study is situated within the wider scope of discourse analysis that focuses on the link between identity, discourse, power and ideology. The study particularly utilizes, in an eclectic manner, the CDA conceptual frameworks developed by Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak in order to examine and explain the ideological function of the Kurdish journalistic discourse in the formation of Kurdish national identity from the prespective of a linguistically informed discursive study. To this end, from the perspective of CDA approach, the study methodically and analytically conducts an exhaustive close textual examination of numerous discourse samples taken from the corpora of three Kurdish journals of the late Ottoman period, i.e., Kurdistan (1898-1902), Kürd Teavün ve Terakki Gazetesi (The Kurdish Gazette for Mutual Aid and Progress) (1908-1909) and Rojî Kurd (Kurdish Sun) (1913). Given that the historical circumstance have a tremendous effect on the formation of discourses, this study investigates discourse practices and language devices employed in the Kurdish journals by taking into consideration the distinctive sociocultural and political conditions in which each journal was published. The study concludes that contrary to the common misperception in the literature, the Kurdish press of the late Ottoman period served as a platform on which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated, constructed and disseminated a distinctive form of Kurdish national identity and nationalism in their discourse despite –sometimes at the expense of- the hegemonic Ottoman and Pan-Islamic identities. However, although the Kurdish journalistic discourse managed to produce a Kurdish nationalist discourse among the Kurdish intellectuals and a small segment of Kurdish reading public, it failed to imitate the Andersonian notion of ‘imagined communities’ as the ‘cultural products’ of ‘print-capitalism’ that would immensely contributed to the formation of a unified field of communication around a national print-language. As a result the Kurdish identity discourse remained inconsequential in terms of making an impact among a larger Kurdish public that would ultimately lead to the construction of a braoder imagined Kurdish national community. The present study attributes the limited power and influence of the Kurdish journals or the Kurdish printing-press on Kurdish masses to the unfavourable historical circumstances, including the novelty of the newspaper genre, the low literacy rate in Kurdistan, the state-imposed restrictions on the production and dissemination of the journals, the personal and familial concerns and interests of the Kurdish leadership of the period and the lingering effects of both parochial (tribal, linguistic, sectarian, regional) and meta-loyalties (Islamism, Ottomanism) among Kurds in the era of nationalism.

The national day of Australia, officially referred to as Australia Day, can be seen as a celebration of Australian culture or as a symbol of colonialism. Previous research shows that how newspapers frame events can impact the readers’ understanding of how reality is represented (Baker et al., 2013). Therefore, this thesis investigates how Australia Day is framed in Australian news articles and whether the framing of Australia Day differs in left- and right-leaning newspapers. The data consists of two corpora of news articles about Australia Day published in left- and right-leaning newspapers between 2018 and 2022. These corpora were analysed from a Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies (CADS) perspective. The results indicate that the national day is framed as a controversial day in both right- and left-leaning newspapers, most saliently referred to as Australia Day or Invasion Day. In right-leaning newspapers, Australia Day celebrations are framed as positive, while anti-Australia Day protests and the use of the term Invasion Day are portrayed as negative. Furthermore, in right-leaning newspapers, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island peoples are reported to have more important priorities than changing the date for Australia Day. In contrast, the left-leaning newspapers are more prone to frame the national day as disrespectful towards Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island peoples and signal that a potential future change of date is positive. Overall, this study suggests that the political orientation of the newspaper can impact how the national day is framed.

This dissertation explored the ways in which the everyday life practices of most urban Indians embodied the "modernization of tradition" (Hancock, 1999) and the role that media texts played in facilitating and encouraging this modernization. The research is based on six months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted from June through December 2005, in the south-Indian city of Chennai, which has traditionally been regarded as a conservative city. Examining the Indian media as a discursive site where normative ideologies are not only constructed but also co-constructed, the study explored and examined how the discourses of tradition and modernity were contested in the south Indian media. It also identified and interpreted the ways in which dominant ideologies at the nexus of color/caste and gender/morality were negotiated by an urban city and its residents in the move towards modernity.Data included three different but inter-related sub-genres of print media texts -- visual images, textual advertisements, and news articles. The primary dataset of visual images consisted of 300 product advertisements culled from four, nationally available, English-language magazines gathered from the two genres of news and film. Textual data sets comprising the matrimonial advertisements and the news articles were gathered from the local editions of two nationally-available English-language newspapers. The broader ethnographic investigation included participant observations, individual formal and informal interviews, and focus group discussions with adult residents of Chennai. The data were analyzed using a multi-discursive and multidisciplinary approach. The analyses were informed by conceptual approaches which included: social semiotics and the multimodal theory of communication, genre analysis, critical discourse and feminist critical discourse analyses, and alternative modernities.In examining the media texts as the site where dominant sociocultural ideologies were being constantly configured and reconfigured, the analyses identified and examined the workings of three interconnected themes - fairness (in relation to skin color), gender, and morality. Through these themes, the dissertation examined the larger contestations and negotiations between the discourses of traditions and modernities as experienced by adult residents of urban Chennai. The discourses of identity construction and reconstruction were thus examined at the nexus of the individual self situated within the larger frame of the city.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-17T15:01:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 357932 bytes, checksum: 1491fef7c4db350acf36305238a0782c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In contemporary times, despite all the changes in mental health care in the last decades, it is observed that people diagnosed with schizophrenia are often labeled as being pathologically ill and suffered from social exclusion. Religiosity and sexuality are significant spheres of the human experience. They play an important role in the discursive practices of people experiencing psychological distress, tending to lead professionals and family in a negative way. Based on the theoretical-methodological framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, I interviewed seven patients, five women and two men, from an outpatient psychosocial care center, CAPS, located in Recife / PE. The aim of the research was to understand the discursive practices of the participants about the themes of sexuality and religion, also their articulation and perceptions of the differences of women and men s speech on the subject. In the group interviews, the discussion of the topic was generated from stimulus, using words related to sexuality and religion. In the Critical Discourse Analysis, the analytical framework used for the interpretation of the material produced during the interviews, the researcher s position clearly recognizes the power abuse experienced by the research subjects. The research practice may encourage the articulation of discursive practices as an alternative to the hegemonic discourses of "normality." In accordance to the Queer theories, this research has identify in the subject s statements a deconstruction of values, reproduced in preconceived terms in relation to sex, gender, normality and mental illness. The Christian tradition tends to shape the discursive practices of sexuality, even for those who are not particularly religious. This impact of Christian tradition is felt not only upon people diagnosed with schizophrenia. According to the literature review, the impact of Christian tradition extends upon most of the population, with a Christian heritage. The men interviewed in this research have illustrated their religious practices in a more institutionalized term in comparison to the women. In the feminine perspective, religion is experienced in a more personal terms. Violence against women is present, but considering an intersectional glance, a schizophrenic woman is more vulnerable to this type of aggression. The research concludes that the discursive practices of the participants interviewed have an emancipatory potential. They may produce counterdiscourses, the deconstruction and negotiation of the hegemonic power that tends to influence religion and biomedical practices. This may leads to the re-construction, redefinition of their identity positions in society. / Na contemporaneidade, a despeito de todas as mudanças ocorridas na assistência em saúde mental nas últimas décadas, observa-se que as pessoas diagnosticadas como esquizofrênicas são estigmatizadas com rótulos patologizantes e excludentes. A religiosidade e a sexualidade são esferas significativas da experiência humana, e nas práticas discursivas de pessoas em sofrimento psíquico ocupam um lugar de destaque mobilizando, geralmente, profissionais e familiares de maneira negativa. Tendo como referencial teórico-metodológico os Estudos Críticos do Discurso entrevistei sete usuários/as, cinco mulheres e dois homens, de um centro de atenção psicossocial, CAPS, localizado na cidade de Recife/Pe, com o objetivo de conhecer as práticas discursivas dos/as participantes sobre os temas sexualidade e religiosidade, suas articulações e possíveis diferenças nos discursos das mulheres e homens sobre essa temática. Nas entrevistas de grupo, a discussão acerca dos temas foi gerada a partir de palavras- estímulo, relacionadas à sexualidade e religiosidade. Nos Estudos Críticos do Discurso, aporte analítico do material produzido nas entrevistas, o posicionamento da/o pesquisador/a é explícito em relação ao abuso de poder sofrido pelos sujeitos da pesquisa, aqui compreendido no sentido de intervir para favorecer a emergência de práticas discursivas alternativas aos discursos hegemônicos de normalidade . Numa perspectiva Queer, é possível interpretar nas falas dos sujeitos a desconstrução de valores tidos como naturalizados em relação ao sexo, ao gênero, à normalidade e à doença mental. Verificou-se um forte apelo e penetração das religiões de tradição cristã modelando as práticas discursivas sobre a sexualidade, mesmo para aquelas/es que alegaram não possuir uma prática religiosa. Tal fato não é exclusividade das pessoas com diagnóstico de esquizofrenia e, segundo a literatura especializada, se estende à maior parte da população brasileira, onde o discurso cristão tem forte ascendência. Os homens entrevistados têm uma prática religiosa mais dependente da instituição do que as mulheres, a religiosidade sendo para elas uma vivência mais pessoal. A violência contra a mulher é presente, todavia a mulher esquizofrênica, numa mirada interseccional, está mais vulnerável a este tipo de agressão. O estudo permite concluir que as práticas discursivas das/os entrevistadas/os são potencialmente emancipatórias, pois produzem contra-discursos capazes de desconstruir e negociar com instâncias hegemônicas, como a religião e o modelo biomédico, propondo a ressignificação das suas posições identitárias na sociedade.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. O discurso político da legitimização da corrupção parlamentar nas crises políticas da era Lula. 2011. 471f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:16:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This study aims to analyze the political discourse of the Senate, in the ordinary pro-nunciamentos with in order to verify the legitimacy of the discourse of corruption, in times of crisis the government of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. As the crisis periods are periods of political crisis of legitimacy, it becomes possible to observe how the speech in favor of political corruption is legitimized these crises. Two major political crises are examined: the "Mafia Leeches" and "Project Clean Record." The corpus of the analysis consists of seventy-seven statements whose themes are the two aforementioned crises and political corrup-tion. The dissertation is divided into four sections, the first of which is the theoretical con-tent. The perspective of van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamental research with its approach of Critical Studies in Discourse and its proposed multi-tidisciplinar that relates cognition, so-ciety and discourse. The second section presents a historical-political context of political cor-ruption in Brazil, as of social representations, from the perspective of Moscovici (2009) and Jovchelovitch (2010). The third section presents the research methodology, which is qualita-tive, subjective nature of interpretation. The rhetoric and topoi are categories of analysis, based on the theory of argumentative rhetoric of Billig (2008), which will build on the theory of conceptual metaphors, due to their socio-cognitive aspects (Lakoff, Johnson, 1980; Ko-vecses, 2002 ). The fourth section is the analysis of the discourses that legitimate political speech in support of corruption, pointing as a result veiled by the legitimacy of actors / writers politicians who seek to exercise the abuse of power in politics. The topoi built by the pro-nouncements of the Senate confirm the legitimacy of political discourseparliamentary corrup-tion, and the relationship of abuse of power among social groups. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os discursos políticos do Senado Federal, nos pronunciamentos ordinários, com o fim de constatar a legitimação do discurso da corrupção, nos períodos de crise do governo do Presidente Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. Como os períodos de crise política são períodos de crise de legitimação, torna-se viável observar como o discurso em favor da corrupção política é legitimado nestas crises. Duas principais crises políticas são analisadas: a “Máfia dos Sanguessugas” e o “projeto Ficha Limpa”. O corpus da análise é composto por setenta e sete pronunciamentos cuja temática são as duas crises anteriormente mencionadas e a corrupção política. A dissertação é dividida em quatro seções, das quais a primeira é a de conteúdo teórico. A perspectiva teórica de van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamenta a pesquisa com sua abordagem dos Estudos Críticos do Discurso e sua proposta multidisciplinar que relaciona a cognição, a sociedade e o discurso. A segunda seção apresenta uma contextualização histórico-política da corrupção política no Brasil, a partir das representações sociais, segundo a perspectiva de Moscovici (2009) e Jovchelovitch (2010). A terceira seção apresenta a metodologia da pesquisa, que é qualitativa de cunho subjetivo-interpretativa. A retórica e os topoi são as categorias de análise, baseadas na teoria da retórica argumentativa de Billig (2008), que serão construídos a partir da teoria das metáforas conceituais, devido seu aspecto sócio-cognitivo (Lakoff; Johnson, 1980; Kovecses, 2002). A quarta seção é a análise dos discursos políticos que legitimam o discurso em favor da corrupção, apontando como resultado a legitimação velada por meio de atores/redatores políticos, que buscam exercer o abuso de poder no campo político. Os topois construídos pelos pronunciamentos dos Senadores confirmam o discurso político de legitimação da corrupção parlamentar, e a relação de abuso de poder entre grupos sociais.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política. 2014. 218f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:28:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The “Argument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption”, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocognição, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above “julgamento do mensalão”, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocognição arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological. / A “Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política”, título desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relações entre discurso, ideologia e estratégias linguístico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupção política pela dimensão discursiva, e não somente pelo viés das ciências políticas, de modo a perceber que há um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prática, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos Críticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensões social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocognição discursiva é que se torna viável o perscrutar da estratégia de legitimação da corrupção política dentre os textos produzidos na Câmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teórico, propõe-se uma articulação entre a Teoria dos Blocos Semânticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocognição, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de análise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção por meio da argumentação dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de análise é composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o “julgamento do mensalão”, evento emblemático acerca da corrupção política que levou à condenação líderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a Câmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimação discursiva da corrupção política produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocognição se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominação a partir da dimensão discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de análise argumentativas necessárias ao perscrutar do discurso político, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimação corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressão, a discursivo-ideológica.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T13:44:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 1309381 bytes, checksum: 46e6283dfac4d0734b63925baf0114c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-19 / This research has aimed at discussing the constitution of identity among the interns from the Assistance and Protection Association of the Convicteds in Viçosa (Associação de Proteção e Assistência aos Condenados de Viçosa APAC), in real and effective process of rehabilitation. In order to do so, we have analyzed how these subjects build their own self , starting from narratives they had written themselves. We have also investigated the inter-discourses that surfaced throughout the study. The corpus was composed of twenty-one (21) narratives, produced voluntarily along the writing workshops given by the researcher. This work took into consideration not only methodological-theoretical background of the Critical Discourse studies (Fairclough, 2001, 2003), but also reflections and debates concerning identity (Hall, 2002; Bauman, 2005; Moita Lopes, 2008; Pennycook, 2008), aside from the researches about repression and punishment at such regulatory institutions (Foucault, 2010; Kloch e Motta, 2008). As the general results, we could observe that the inmates do not figure themselves as victims, but as responsible for their own acts and their consequences. Besides that, such men represent the prison per se as a good locus, or an opportunity to change their lives, becoming better people. In terms of the inmates‟ identity, in a few narratives, we can see fluidity whereas in some other cases there can be seen identity fragmentation. Some of these take a turn into a negative semantic pole: murdered, drug dealer, savage. Even though they are rebuilt this way, the inmates still constitute themselves as reflexive subjects, which are open to transformation, through perception of the violations they have committed, or through the omnipresent APAC‟s discourse. / Esta pesquisa buscou discutir a construção de identidades dos recuperandos do regime fechado da Associação de Proteção e Assistência aos Condenados de Viçosa enquanto condenados em fase de real e efetiva recuperação. Para tanto, buscou-se analisar como os recuperandos constroem suas identidades tomando por base as narrativas escritas por eles. Analisou-se ainda os interdiscursos ali construídos. O corpus foi constituído de vinte e uma (21) narrativas, produzidas de forma voluntária, durante as oficinas de produção de textos ministradas pela própria pesquisadora. Este estudo levou em conta não só os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos dos estudos discursivos críticos (Fairclough, 2001, 2003), mas também reflexões e discussões em torno do conceito de identidade (Hall, 2002; Bauman, 2005; Moita Lopes, 2008; Pennycook, 2008) além dos estudos acerca da repressão e punição no cumprimento das penas (Foucault, 2010; Kloch e Motta, 2008). Como resultados gerais, observamos que os recuperandos não se colocam como vítimas, mas como responsáveis pelos seus próprios atos e suas consequências. Além disso, representam a prisão como um espaço benéfico, isto é, como uma oportunidade de mudar de vida, tornando-os pessoas melhores. No que diz respeito à identidade dos recuperandos, em algumas narrativas, observa-se a fluidez, já em outras, fragmentação identitária. Algumas identidades encontradas se resvalam para um campo semântico negativo: assassino, traficante, bicho selvagem. Embora se reconstruam desta forma, os recuperandos ainda se constituem como sujeitos reflexivos, pois se mostram abertos à transformação seja pela percepção que tem dos crimes cometidos, seja pelo discurso onipresente da APAC.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the U.S., the transgender community disproportionately experiences a rate of unemployment three times that of the national average. These nearly 1.4 million individuals receive no explicit federal employment protections. Though judges have historically concluded that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does not offer such protections, the Sixth Circuit recently concluded that transgender discrimination is prohibited under Title VII. A study was conducted to discern what lead to the Sixth Circuit explicitly extending Title VII’s sex-based protections to transgender individuals. Analysis consisted of data from historical Title VII legal cases—citing sex-based discrimination— brought by, or on behalf of, transgender individuals in the Sixth Circuit. The sample included 20 court records from 11 legal cases identified through the Nexis Uni database. Both a thematic analysis and a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) were conducted. The thematic analysis illustrated four distinct steps taken by the Sixth Circuit—in addition to the two steps previously taken by other Circuits and the Supreme Court. Each stage revealed small deviations in statutory interpretation and application, which lead to a marked change in the legal discourse on Title VII’s sex-based discrimination prohibition. The CDA compared the Circuit’s starting discourse to its more recent discourse and found judges’ moved from a passive to an active role in constructing the legal discourse. Overall, the study illustrates the judicial branch of government’s influential impact on employment rights, and more broadly, social justice. Further, the study presents legal engagement as essential to the pursuit of social change. Given social work’s value of social justice, forensic participation is a suitable addition to the social work toolkit. / 2023-08-05

This study critically examined how issues of multiculturalism and Muslim immigration are discursively constructed within the English language European online press. Through the use of a frame analysis as well as a more focused discourse analysis, an examination was undertaken to uncover how “us” versus “them” perspectives were manifest within a public discourse. A total of 132 articles from The Daily Mail, Le Monde Diplomatique, Dutchnews.nl, Spiegel Online and The International Herald Tribune were selected using a systematic sampling method based on the results of a search query for multiculturalism at each news site. The analysis of the data corpus revealed the news media's depiction of multiculturalism and Muslim immigrants as not wholly negative on the surface but under closer scrutiny revealed discursive and linguistic techniques that consistently marginalized and “othered” them. The themes found in the data corpus also illuminated a trend of the subordinated population as lacking proper representation and always being spoken for by the news media.

This paper examines the existing discourses surrounding environmental issues in Russia using a large oil Spill in Norilsk as a case study. The spill, which occurred in the summer of 2020, is the largest man-made disaster to ever occur in the Arctic, resulting in around 21,000 tons of diesel fuel being spilled into the ground and surrounding waterways. This case presents a unique opportunity to study the discourses created in the aftermath of the spill and identify how different actors (conservationists, politicians, media, industrial actors) react and perceive the natural environment in Russia. Through the lens of Critical Discourse Studies, 9 interviews taken with actors representing various positions were analyzed through a qualitative content process, focusing on what and how was said in the interviews to identify and understand the primary discourses and what can be revealed about the groups that promote them. The analysis uncovered a range of discourses that appeared surrounding the spill, however the overarching discourses can be defined as the Expedition Discourse (representing members of the scientific community), the Conservation Discourse (representing environmental and NGO actors) and the Industrial Discourse (representing industrial and political actors). Each discourse assisted in illuminating the power structures that exist within and amongst the actors and discourses themselves. There is a delicate balance of actors promoting and pushing their own narrative whilst recognizing and respecting the existing power structures within society. The study found that the Industrial Discourse actors had the most influence and control over how the spill was perceived and reported, however, actors within each discourse worked to maintain their agency and place in the discussion. Given the limited scope of this research and specificity of the case, it is difficult to make inferences about how all actors within Russia understand and perceive environmental issues. Despite this, the research contributes to pressing issue of environmental development, especially in the context of the Arctic, and suggests continued research in this field is essential in coming years.