Depuis l’essor d’Internet, et particulièrement des réseaux sociaux, les espaces en ligne sont devenus des canaux de communication privilégiés pour diffuser un discours s’opposant au « genre », à la « propagande LGBT », et plus récemment au « wokisme ». Dans ce mémoire, je m’inspire des pistes méthodologiques ouvertes par la littérature francophone sur les campagnes anti-genre numériques, pour proposer une actualisation des connaissances sur ces discours, à partir d’un corpus de tweets original collecté entre novembre 2022 et février 2023. En suivant une méthodologie mixte, combinant analyse quantitative et qualitative, je décris un corpus de 345 413 tweets à l’aide d’outils issus de la lexicométrie, pour mener une analyse critique de 70 micro-discours sélectionnés dans ce corpus. En croisant l’approche historique du discours (DHA) aux études critiques des discours issus des réseaux sociaux (SM-CDS), j’expose les vecteurs de diffusion des discours anti-genre, anti-lgbt et anti-wokisme, les thèmes qui les composent et les stratégies discursives qui les construisent, ainsi que les stratégies collectives à l’œuvre derrière la diffusion de ces types de discours. En me concentrant sur la « protection des enfants » comme thématique centrale, je montre un déplacement des discours anti-genre et anti-lgbt vers un rejet affirmé de la transidentité, et l’intégration de ces discours dans un discours contre le « wokisme » - soulignant, ce faisant, l’intérêt de privilégier une approche émique pour étudier ces campagnes. Je montre ensuite que le discours anti-wokisme passe par l’articulation d’un discours populiste – nationaliste, qui permet de formuler un appel à la protection de l’identité française contre les menaces supposées de l’Islam et du « wokisme ». Finalement, j’expose la circulation internationale des discours analysés, suggérant l’intégration de ce phénomène dans l’« ordre de désinformation », et dans une montée globale des discours populistes de droite radicale. / Since the rise of the Internet, and particularly social medias, online spaces have become privileged communication channels to express a discourse opposing "gender", "LGBT propaganda", and more recently "wokism". In this thesis, I draw on methodological approaches opened up by the francophone literature on digital anti-gender campaigns, to propose an update of knowledge on these discourses, based on an original corpus of tweets collected between november 2022 and february 2023. Following a mixed methodology, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis, I describe a corpus of 345 413 tweets using tools derived from lexicometrics, to conduct a critical analysis of 70 micro-discourses selected from this corpus. Crossing the discourse historical approach (DHA) with social media critical discourse studies (SM-CDS), I expose the vectors of diffusion of anti-gender, anti-lgbt and anti-wokism discourses, the themes that compose them and the discursive strategies that construct them, as well as the collective strategies at work behind the diffusion of these types of discourses. Focusing on "child protection" as a central theme, I show a shift in anti-gender and anti-lgbt discourses towards an assertive rejection of trans-identity, and the integration of these discourses into a discourse against "wokism" – underlining the value of privileging an emic approach in the study of "unpleasant movements". I then show that the anti-wokism discourse enables the articulation of a populist-nationalist discourse, which allows to formulate a call to protect the French identity against the supposed threats of Islam and "wokism". Finally, I outline the international circulation of the analyzed discourses, suggesting the integration of this phenomenon into the "disinformation order", and into a global rise of radical right-wing populist discourses.

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In this study, I read late medieval vernacular texts of Mandeville’s Travels, Chaucer’s Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale, and Margery Kempe’s Book in terms of memory, place and authorial identity. I show how each author constructs ethos and alters narrative form by using memory and place. I argue that the discourses of memory and place are essential to authorial identity and anchor their eccentric texts to traditional modes of composition and orthodoxy. In Chapter one, I argue that memory and place are essential tools in creating authorial ethos for the Wife of Bath, Margery Kempe, and John Mandeville. These writers use memory and place to anchor their eccentric texts in traditional modes of composition and orthodoxy. Chapter two reads Mandeville’s treatment of holy places as he constructs authority by using rhetorical appeals to authority via salvation history and memory. His narrative draws on multiple media, multiple texts, memoria, and collective memory. Chapter three examines the rhetorical strategy of the Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale as directly linked to practices of memoria, especially in her cataloguing of ancient and medieval authorities and scripture. Chaucer’s Wife legitimates her travel and experience through citing and quoting from medieval common-place texts and ultimately makes a common-place text of her own personal experience. Chapter four argues that memory is the central structuring strategy and the foundation for Margery’s arguments for spiritual authority and legitimacy in The Book of Margery Kempe. I read the Book’s structure as a strategic dramatization of Margery’s authority framed by institutional spaces of the Church and by civic spaces of the medieval town. Chapter five considers the implications of reading the intersections of memory and place in late-medieval construction of authority for vernacular writers as contributing to a better understanding of medieval authorial identity and a clearer appreciation of structure, form, and the transformation of the pilgrimage motif into the travel narrative genre. This project helps strengthen ties between the fields of medieval literature, women’s writing and rhetoric(s), and Genre Studies as it charts the interface between discourse, narrative form, and medieval conceptions of memory and authorial identity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Kleber Maia Marinho.pdf: 1018489 bytes, checksum: b40b9e97f51276133e093a50b2f37632 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As a whole, the present dissertation lies at the intersection between religion and politics. Religion was embedded in the political scenario of the US at the onset of the nation and, since then, religion and politics have been intertwined into a complex system of coexistence that has strongly influenced the country s destiny. Although the debate regarding the amalgam between religion and politics in the US has been ongoing among the most diverse sectors of information and research, both locally and internationally, it was after the inauguration of George W. Bush and the attacks on 9/11, that such issue gained global repercussion, at a level never before seen in history. In this regard, the present work intends to analyze the relation of historical-cultural, sociological and psychological facts on the political-religious events, particularly those related to the international political scenario, which is hereby represented by the US. Thus, the subject of this investigation focuses on analyzing the presence of religious concepts as found in the speeches of President George W. Bush, during his two terms in office. More specifically, this dissertation examines the phenomena that are deeply rooted in the culture of the United States and have played a key role in supporting Bush s political actions. In this way, it evaluates the degree to which the events on 9/11 served as a bulwark for the religious rhetoric in Bush s discourse and became a tool to legitimate the war against Iraq, his political modus operandi and, ultimately, lead him to reelection. It is therefore concluded that, the ethical, moral and religious factors, deeply set in the culture of the United States throughout its history, together with the trauma caused by the events on 9/11, contributed to the acceptance of Bush s political decisions. The theoretical basis for the work is the hermeneutic methodology, built on a theoretical and bibliographic tripartite design that is sociological, philosophical-linguistic as well as psychological. The first line of investigation is based on the concept of Civil Religion, first developed by Robert Bellah and later expanded by other theoreticians; the second one follows Chaïm Perelman s theory of the New Rhetoric, and the third rests on C. G. Jung s Archetype. / Em termos gerais, a presente dissertação localiza-se na confluência da religião com a política. A inserção da religião na esfera política dos EUA fez-se presente desde o início de sua fundação e desde então, ambas permaneceram imbricadas constituindo um complexo sistema de convívio, cuja influência foi determinante nos desígnios da nação. Embora o debate acerca do amálgama entre religião e política nos EUA nunca ter cessado entre os mais diferentes setores de informação e pesquisa na sociedade nacional e internacional, foi, todavia, a partir da posse de George W. Bush e, após os atentados de 11 de setembro, que tal assunto ganhou repercussão mundial como talvez jamais antes na história. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como propósito analisar os fatos histórico-culturais, sociológicos e psicológicos na análise de eventos político-religiosos, mais precisamente, relativos à política internacional representada aqui pelos EUA. Por essa via, o objeto de investigação em questão refere-se à análise da presença da concepção religiosa encontrada nos discursos do presidente George W. Bush durante o período de seus dois mandatos de governo. Em termos específicos, esta dissertação debruçou-se sobre o estudo de fenômenos arraigados na cultura estadunidense que foram preponderantes na sustentação da política de Bush. Assim, buscou-se avaliar até que ponto o 11 de setembro serviu de ênfase na retórica religiosa do discurso de Bush, servindo de meio instrumentário para legitimar a guerra no Iraque, seu modus operandi político e, eventualmente, ajudá-lo na reeleição. Concluímos que fatores ético-morais e religiosos profundamente incutidos na cultura estadunidense ao longo do processo histórico, aliados ao trauma do 11 de setembro, foram facilitadores para a adesão à política de Bush. Para tanto, valemo-nos, como procedimento teórico, da metodologia hermenêutica, construída em cima de uma linha teórico-bibliográfica ancorada por três frentes: sociológica, filosófico-lingüística e psicológica. A primeira embasa-se no conceito de Religião Civil inicialmente desenvolvida por Robert Bellah e, depois, ampliada por outros teóricos; a segunda pauta-se na teoria da Nova Retórica de Chaïm Perelman e a última, no conceito de Arquétipo de C. G. Jung.