Este estudo tem como objetivo investigar os efeitos de sentidos produzidos sobre a representabilidade política produzidos no discurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama e no discurso de recepção da mídia (institucional e auto comandada) durante as eleições presidenciais nos Estados Unidos em 2008. Nesta pesquisa, seguimos os pressupostos teóricos da análise do discurso de vertente pecheutiana e articulamos os conceitos de enunciação e de formação imaginária com o conceito de identidade advindos dos estudos culturais (Rose 2001; Wardward 2000). A análise dos materiais que compõem nosso corpus mostraram que, em relação ao processo de representabilidade, o discurso da mídia institucional se vale da crise econômica estadunidense para delinear discursivamente os aspectos necessários que o novo representante do país deve ter para gerenciar a crise que o país enfrentava. Neste trajeto discursivo, pudemos encontrar semelhanças do discurso da mídia institucional com o de Obama no que tange às representações sobre como governar sustentadas em uma FD que concebe como prática administrativa ideal aquela que emana da concepção de sujeito de direito. Em relação ao discurso da mídia autocomandada, a análise do boato permitiu que viessem à tona dizeres pautados em uma FD que estabelece interditos no que se refere ao tripé candidato-religião-presidência. O estudo concluiu também que, no dircurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama, a representabilidade é construída por dizeres que estabelecem ligações com elementos do discurso fundador dos E.U.A., o que acaba fazendo com que o acontecimento discursivo seja produzido por meio da materialidade do corpo do candidato. / The aim of this study was to investigate what meanings effects regarding to representability were produced in Barack Obamas election campaign speeches and in the texts produced by the American media (mass communication and also mass- selfcommunication) in 2008. This study has been informed by concepts introduced by Michel Pêcheux in Discourse Analysis such as enunciation and imaginary formations, which were also articulated in my discussion of the concept of identity from Cultural Studies (Rose, 2001; Woodward 2000). The analysis of the materials that make up our corpus showed that, in relation to the representability process, the mass media discourse focused in its discourse on the aspects required of a new representative of the country in order to manage the economic crisis that the country was facing at that time. In this case, the discourse of the institutional media shows similarities with Obama\'s speech on the representations of how to govern. Both samples hold their speeches on a discursive formation which conceives that the ideal administrative practice derives from the conception of the legal subject. Regarding the discourse of mass self-communication, the analysis of rumors about the candidates religious beliefs allowed the presence of a discursive formation that sets up as meaning effects restricted ideas of representability to certain elements. With regard to Obamas 2008 campaign speech, the analysis showed that representability is built through the values that base on the founding discourse of the American nation. By emphasizing this aspect, the candidate\'s 2008 campaign speeches negate the possibility of new networks of meaning that could produce an original discursive event.

Este estudo tem como objetivo investigar os efeitos de sentidos produzidos sobre a representabilidade política produzidos no discurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama e no discurso de recepção da mídia (institucional e auto comandada) durante as eleições presidenciais nos Estados Unidos em 2008. Nesta pesquisa, seguimos os pressupostos teóricos da análise do discurso de vertente pecheutiana e articulamos os conceitos de enunciação e de formação imaginária com o conceito de identidade advindos dos estudos culturais (Rose 2001; Wardward 2000). A análise dos materiais que compõem nosso corpus mostraram que, em relação ao processo de representabilidade, o discurso da mídia institucional se vale da crise econômica estadunidense para delinear discursivamente os aspectos necessários que o novo representante do país deve ter para gerenciar a crise que o país enfrentava. Neste trajeto discursivo, pudemos encontrar semelhanças do discurso da mídia institucional com o de Obama no que tange às representações sobre como governar sustentadas em uma FD que concebe como prática administrativa ideal aquela que emana da concepção de sujeito de direito. Em relação ao discurso da mídia autocomandada, a análise do boato permitiu que viessem à tona dizeres pautados em uma FD que estabelece interditos no que se refere ao tripé candidato-religião-presidência. O estudo concluiu também que, no dircurso de campanha de Barack H. Obama, a representabilidade é construída por dizeres que estabelecem ligações com elementos do discurso fundador dos E.U.A., o que acaba fazendo com que o acontecimento discursivo seja produzido por meio da materialidade do corpo do candidato. / The aim of this study was to investigate what meanings effects regarding to representability were produced in Barack Obamas election campaign speeches and in the texts produced by the American media (mass communication and also mass- selfcommunication) in 2008. This study has been informed by concepts introduced by Michel Pêcheux in Discourse Analysis such as enunciation and imaginary formations, which were also articulated in my discussion of the concept of identity from Cultural Studies (Rose, 2001; Woodward 2000). The analysis of the materials that make up our corpus showed that, in relation to the representability process, the mass media discourse focused in its discourse on the aspects required of a new representative of the country in order to manage the economic crisis that the country was facing at that time. In this case, the discourse of the institutional media shows similarities with Obama\'s speech on the representations of how to govern. Both samples hold their speeches on a discursive formation which conceives that the ideal administrative practice derives from the conception of the legal subject. Regarding the discourse of mass self-communication, the analysis of rumors about the candidates religious beliefs allowed the presence of a discursive formation that sets up as meaning effects restricted ideas of representability to certain elements. With regard to Obamas 2008 campaign speech, the analysis showed that representability is built through the values that base on the founding discourse of the American nation. By emphasizing this aspect, the candidate\'s 2008 campaign speeches negate the possibility of new networks of meaning that could produce an original discursive event.

2020 was the year of the American presidential election. Joe Biden, the former senator and vice president won against the incumbent president and business magnate Donald Trump. Because of the coronavirus it was an unusual election. Vote counting was not over on election night but continued a few more days and Donald Trump claimed the result to be false.  The study aims to understand what Swedish newspapers focused on under the American election 2020 and what they choose to frame from a political journalist perspective. We focused on four of the biggest Swedish newspapers to see how they differ and relate. To do that we used 29 articles from every newspaper, 116 in total and with help of framing theory and a quantitative content analysis we could find correlations between the four newspapers. Thanks to earlier studies we could compare how Donald Trump was portrayed in 2016 and what both Swedish and American media framed last election.  The study concluded that Donald Trump was mentioned more in the Swedish press than his opponent Joe Biden. None of the vice presidents were ever mentioned as much as the presidential candidates. The study also concluded that more articles focused on the political game more than the political issues, that the articles were more often neutral or negative than positive and that politicians were the most quoted.

The Diploma thesis concerns itself with the possibilities of election campaigns and their impacts on public opinion on the occasion of the first direct election of the president of the Czech republic. Influencing of the public opinion takes place in a system of public - politics - media, which is described in this thesis. Utilising this system I am going to answer the following question - how effective are election campaigns in influencing election decisions of voters? The witnessed election campaigns were unique in many aspects - they triggered an unprecedented response from the public and the media, which came close to resemble election behaviour in the United States of America, whose presidential election campaigns are considered a classic example. The theoretical background serves the purpose of analysing the election campaign of Karel Schwarzenberg, who, using an online campaign, achieved a result, which surprised a number of agencies examining voters' preferences, and proved, what a good campaign team is capable of given their candidate has strong public support. Next I am going to present assessments of the campaign by political scientists, social scientists and others. Key words: Public, public opinion, possibilities of influencing public opinion, massmedia, election campaigns, american...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Kleber Maia Marinho.pdf: 1018489 bytes, checksum: b40b9e97f51276133e093a50b2f37632 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As a whole, the present dissertation lies at the intersection between religion and politics. Religion was embedded in the political scenario of the US at the onset of the nation and, since then, religion and politics have been intertwined into a complex system of coexistence that has strongly influenced the country s destiny. Although the debate regarding the amalgam between religion and politics in the US has been ongoing among the most diverse sectors of information and research, both locally and internationally, it was after the inauguration of George W. Bush and the attacks on 9/11, that such issue gained global repercussion, at a level never before seen in history. In this regard, the present work intends to analyze the relation of historical-cultural, sociological and psychological facts on the political-religious events, particularly those related to the international political scenario, which is hereby represented by the US. Thus, the subject of this investigation focuses on analyzing the presence of religious concepts as found in the speeches of President George W. Bush, during his two terms in office. More specifically, this dissertation examines the phenomena that are deeply rooted in the culture of the United States and have played a key role in supporting Bush s political actions. In this way, it evaluates the degree to which the events on 9/11 served as a bulwark for the religious rhetoric in Bush s discourse and became a tool to legitimate the war against Iraq, his political modus operandi and, ultimately, lead him to reelection. It is therefore concluded that, the ethical, moral and religious factors, deeply set in the culture of the United States throughout its history, together with the trauma caused by the events on 9/11, contributed to the acceptance of Bush s political decisions. The theoretical basis for the work is the hermeneutic methodology, built on a theoretical and bibliographic tripartite design that is sociological, philosophical-linguistic as well as psychological. The first line of investigation is based on the concept of Civil Religion, first developed by Robert Bellah and later expanded by other theoreticians; the second one follows Chaïm Perelman s theory of the New Rhetoric, and the third rests on C. G. Jung s Archetype. / Em termos gerais, a presente dissertação localiza-se na confluência da religião com a política. A inserção da religião na esfera política dos EUA fez-se presente desde o início de sua fundação e desde então, ambas permaneceram imbricadas constituindo um complexo sistema de convívio, cuja influência foi determinante nos desígnios da nação. Embora o debate acerca do amálgama entre religião e política nos EUA nunca ter cessado entre os mais diferentes setores de informação e pesquisa na sociedade nacional e internacional, foi, todavia, a partir da posse de George W. Bush e, após os atentados de 11 de setembro, que tal assunto ganhou repercussão mundial como talvez jamais antes na história. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como propósito analisar os fatos histórico-culturais, sociológicos e psicológicos na análise de eventos político-religiosos, mais precisamente, relativos à política internacional representada aqui pelos EUA. Por essa via, o objeto de investigação em questão refere-se à análise da presença da concepção religiosa encontrada nos discursos do presidente George W. Bush durante o período de seus dois mandatos de governo. Em termos específicos, esta dissertação debruçou-se sobre o estudo de fenômenos arraigados na cultura estadunidense que foram preponderantes na sustentação da política de Bush. Assim, buscou-se avaliar até que ponto o 11 de setembro serviu de ênfase na retórica religiosa do discurso de Bush, servindo de meio instrumentário para legitimar a guerra no Iraque, seu modus operandi político e, eventualmente, ajudá-lo na reeleição. Concluímos que fatores ético-morais e religiosos profundamente incutidos na cultura estadunidense ao longo do processo histórico, aliados ao trauma do 11 de setembro, foram facilitadores para a adesão à política de Bush. Para tanto, valemo-nos, como procedimento teórico, da metodologia hermenêutica, construída em cima de uma linha teórico-bibliográfica ancorada por três frentes: sociológica, filosófico-lingüística e psicológica. A primeira embasa-se no conceito de Religião Civil inicialmente desenvolvida por Robert Bellah e, depois, ampliada por outros teóricos; a segunda pauta-se na teoria da Nova Retórica de Chaïm Perelman e a última, no conceito de Arquétipo de C. G. Jung.