O presente trabalho tem como objetivo reconstituir e investigar algumas ações abolicionistas ocorridas no município de Jacareí na década de 1880, especialmente através da atuação de indivíduos que protagonizaram dois marcos da história desse movimento na localidade: o ato de expulsão de abolicionistas ocorrido em 26 de novembro de 1883 e a fundação do Clube Abolicionista em agosto de 1887. A partir da análise de fontes documentais produzidas pela Polícia, pela Justiça, em suas instâncias municipais e provinciais, e por escravocratas e abolicionistas da localidade podemos identificar as distintas formas de atuação dos sujeitos das ações abolicionistas naqueles momentos específicos, em 1883 e 1887, e as diferentes percepções que tais agentes tinham sobre a legitimidade da escravidão e da propriedade escrava. / This paper aims to reconstruct and investigate some abolitionists actions that occurred in the Jacareí municipality in the 1880s, especially through the actions of individuals who leaded two milestones in the history of this movement in the locality: the expulsion of abolitionists occurred in November 26th of 1883 and the foundation of the Clube Abolicionista in August of 1887. Through the analysis of documentary sources produced by the Police, Justice, in their municipal and provincial authorities, and by the slaves owners and abolitionists of the locality, we can identify the different forms of operation adopted by the subjects of the abolitionism actions in those specific moments of 1883 and 1887, and the different perceptions that these agents had on the legitimacy of slavery and the slave ownership.

Orientador: Walquíria Gertrudes Domingues Leão Rego / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T01:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_LucasBaptistade_M.pdf: 1012173 bytes, checksum: ea1a9b0e8d6c1bd6fec01a1263701136 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O trabalho que ora se apresenta busca apreender e analisar os modos em que a ideia de nação aparece na trajetória abolicionista de Joaquim Nabuco. Mais precisamente procuraremos demonstrar, ancorando-se em parte do debate contemporâneo sobre o tema, alguns dos possíveis sentidos em que a ideia de nação possui nos escritos e discursos políticos do pernambucano. Desta feita, nosso propósito será levado a cabo tendo em vista a duplicidade interpretativa que configura parte da polêmica atual em torno da trajetória política e intelectual de Nabuco: ora considerado como precursor da revolução burguesa no Brasil; ora considerado como pensador do Império / Abstract: The piece of work presented here attempts to grasp and analyze the ways in which the idea of nation appears in the abolitionist trajectory of Joaquim Nabuco. More precisely we try to demonstrate, in basing part of the contemporary debate on the subject, some of the possible ways in which the idea of nation has in the political writings and speeches of the author. Thus, our purpose will be undertaken with a view of double interpretation which configures part of the current controversy surrounding the political and intellectual trajectory of Nabuco: sometimes regarded as a precursor of the bourgeois revolution in Brazil, now regarded as a thinker of the Empire / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Since Kingston Penitentiary’s opening in 1835, prison labour has been an integral part of Canada’s penal history. With purported goals such as deterrence, rehabilitation, reintegration, and providing sustenance to the state, the practice of coercing or forcing a prisoner to work while serving a sentence of incarceration was further embedded in the penal landscape in 1980 with the inception of CORCAN, the Correctional Service of Canada’s prison labour program. Despite critiques of the prison as “a fiasco in terms of its own purposes” (Mathiesen, 2006, p. 141), prison labour continues as a mechanism of the state’s penal apparatus. Drawing on political economy of punishment and penal abolitionism literature, this study reveals and disrupts official discourses used to justify and perpetuate this modern form of slavery in Canada. Through a content analysis of 33 Solicitor General of Canada and CORCAN annual reports, I demonstrate how CORCAN’s prison labour program is legitimated as a “positive reform” (Mathiesen, 1974, p. 202) of Canada’s penal system, beneficial to the reintegration of prisoners into society, communities, and the needs of the Canadian state and economy. Underneath this benevolent mask such representations are found to reproduce neoliberal capitalism as the hegemonic form of economic organization, construing prisoners and prison labour as solutions to the gaps and shifts in the national economy and labour market. After outlining these contributions, I suggest ways that future research can reveal and discredit penal ‘solutions’ such as prison labour to eradicate the penal system as a means to address the harms inherent in our social and economic systems.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo reconstituir e investigar algumas ações abolicionistas ocorridas no município de Jacareí na década de 1880, especialmente através da atuação de indivíduos que protagonizaram dois marcos da história desse movimento na localidade: o ato de expulsão de abolicionistas ocorrido em 26 de novembro de 1883 e a fundação do Clube Abolicionista em agosto de 1887. A partir da análise de fontes documentais produzidas pela Polícia, pela Justiça, em suas instâncias municipais e provinciais, e por escravocratas e abolicionistas da localidade podemos identificar as distintas formas de atuação dos sujeitos das ações abolicionistas naqueles momentos específicos, em 1883 e 1887, e as diferentes percepções que tais agentes tinham sobre a legitimidade da escravidão e da propriedade escrava. / This paper aims to reconstruct and investigate some abolitionists actions that occurred in the Jacareí municipality in the 1880s, especially through the actions of individuals who leaded two milestones in the history of this movement in the locality: the expulsion of abolitionists occurred in November 26th of 1883 and the foundation of the Clube Abolicionista in August of 1887. Through the analysis of documentary sources produced by the Police, Justice, in their municipal and provincial authorities, and by the slaves owners and abolitionists of the locality, we can identify the different forms of operation adopted by the subjects of the abolitionism actions in those specific moments of 1883 and 1887, and the different perceptions that these agents had on the legitimacy of slavery and the slave ownership.

Through engaging with hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discourses surrounding the Province of Ontario’s Community Housing Renewal Strategy (CHRS), this thesis examines the ways in which the criminalization and social assistance systems continue to be reimagined in ways that perpetuate inequality. The CHRS legislates the exclusion of criminalized individuals from accessing community housing. Drawing on Marxian punishment theory, the role of structural inequality as the foundation of such a policy is explored. A total of 150 documents comprise the final dataset; this includes newsprint media items, reports produced by non-governmental organizations, and Hansard transcripts. The analysis reveals a total of seven themes, which highlight how the CHRS is largely legitimized based on the principle of lesser eligibility. Through the hegemonic discourses, the recomposition and extension of the penal apparatus into the community housing sector is observed. Moreover, purveyors of counter-hegemonic discourses further illustrate this through highlighting the way in which the CHRS represents a state mechanism used to reproduce poverty and perpetuate its criminalization. In conclusion, future directions for research aiming to dismantle exclusive and punitive policies are suggested.

This thesis explores the various perspectives that Northern Americans had on Russian serfdom and its emancipation. This era was significant to both Russia and the United States because each country experienced tremendous reforms including the abolitions of their unfree labor institutions. Generally, Northern Americans viewed serfdom as a milder form of forced labor and suspected that it would be eradicated soon. Abolitionists used rumors of Russian emancipation to advocate for the end of American slavery. Diminishing the realities of serfdom in the American media was a way for abolitionists to condemn the brutality of American slavery by comparison. After the Civil War ended, Reconstruction era politics shaped the way political party-endorsing newspapers would report on the progress of emancipation and reforms in Russia. This thesis will also analyze the frequency of American reports on Russian serfdom and the progress of its emancipation during the Antebellum era while considering the political affiliation of the news sources when possible. Overall, this thesis provides a much-needed examination of the transnational effect of Russian Emancipation on Northern Americans, the Union effort, and the movement to abolish slavery in America.

A Congregationalist by choice and a Calvinist by tradition, Marilynne Robinson has a theological background that significantly influences the development of her fictional characters, especially in her Pulitzer Prize winning novel, Gilead. Much has been written about Robinson's particular brand of Calvinism—by both Robinson herself and other literary critics—which tends to be far more hopeful about grace, agency, and the beauties of the natural world than traditional interpretations allow. Little, however, has been written about how the trajectory of Congregationalism as an organizational force in the national narrative influences the decisions of and relationships between her fictional characters. Gilead depicts three generations of Congregationalist ministers whose personalities, preaching styles, and interpersonal relationships reflect and parallel the history of Midwestern Congregationalism in the United States from the abolitionist period to the mid-twentieth century—at which point, Robinson claims, Congregational influence all but disappeared. Robinson develops these characters in ways designed to dramatize and critique Congregationalism's various responses to the cultural and historical pressures of slavery, war, denominationalism, and the proper relationship between a minister and his congregation. In the novel, John Ames III becomes a reconciliatory figure in a tradition fraught with interpretational extremes: the scriptural literalism of John Ames I and the scriptural relativism of John Ames II. He is not, however, a perfect balance of such interpretations, but rather exemplifies characteristics of "both and neither." In depicting the three ministers this way, Robinson critiques, defends, and reshapes contemporary understanding of Puritan influence on American history just as she demonstrates how that history shapes the relationships among the characters. Ultimately, Gilead is both a supplement to and an extension of Robinson's nonfiction writing (The Death of Adam, Absence of Mind, and When I Was a Child I Read Books), which also attempts to revise current interpretations of Calvinist thought and rekindle contemporary interest in early American religious influence.

This thesis explores the growth of antislavery sentiment in the English-speaking world during the eighteenth century. I examine the institutional processes, transatlantic discourses, and ideological schema with which individuals and groups reformulated their identities as a means of extricating themselves from slavery's various social, economic, and ethical implications. I argue that abolitionism in England is best understood as the cumulative outcome to a series of identity reconstructions, and that a Histoire des Mentalités, as drawn from the Annales School, is an apt methodology for unmasking the structural underpinnings of an antislavery identity.

This dissertation examines the history of humanitarianism in international relations by tracing the relationship between moral obligation and sovereignty from the 16th century to the present. Its main argument is that moral obligations and sovereignty are mutually constitutive, in contrast to a widely held assumption in international relations scholarship that they are opposed to each other. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to develop a framework, using a genealogical method of inquiry, for understanding the relationship between sovereignty and the shifting boundaries of moral obligation during the Westphalian period. This approach makes it possible to identify both elements of continuity and change in the history of humanitarianism and practices of sovereignty. The first chapter demonstrates how the extant literature on sovereignty and humanitarianism fails to adequately account for how states have participated in the construction of new moral boundaries even as they have sought to assert their own sovereignty. Chapter two lays out the dissertation’s theoretical framework, first by outlining an identity-based understanding of sovereignty in relationship to moral obligation, and then discussing the genealogical method that is used in three case studies. The following three chapters contain the dissertation’s empirical contributions, which are three historical cases that represent pivotal moments in the history of moral obligation and sovereignty. Chapter three examines the assistance offered by Elizabeth I to Huguenot refugees from 1558-1603, and relates England’s moral obligations towards Huguenots to the emergence of a sovereign English confessional state. Chapter four examines the relationship between British abolitionist arguments against slavery in the 19th century, and justifications for the extension of empire. Chapter five examines the emergence and evolution of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine since 2001, whose advocates posit a modified conception of sovereignty that is explicitly tied to moral obligation. The concluding chapter discusses how the dissertation accounts for both the rise of humanitarianism and the persistence of sovereignty in international relations, as well as provides some reflections on areas for future research.

A presente dissertação realiza um exame da trajetória pública do abolicionista Antonio Bento de Souza e Castro, contribuindo para o debate sobre a campanha contra o cativeiro na província de São Paulo na década de 1880. Antonio Bento foi frequentemente identificado como mentor e líder do grupo abolicionista radical Ordem dos Caifazes, cujas práticas baseavam-se no planejamento e auxílio, por parte de homens livres, a fugas escravas no interior da província de São Paulo. Na primeira parte deste trabalho, analisamos o modo como, durante toda a década de 1880, a questão do cativeiro esteve entre as prioridades da agenda política nacional, assumindo protagonismo também na província de São Paulo e influenciando diretamente a atuação do movimento abolicionista e as estratégias empreendidas pelos indivíduos envolvidos na causa. Em um segundo momento, revisitamos especificamente a trajetória de Antonio Bento, revisando a memória construída sobre sua figura e evidenciando sua atuação contra o cativeiro, à época, no âmbito jurídico, junto à Irmandade da Igreja de Nossa Senhora dos Remédios e, principalmente, na imprensa. Documento fundamental no percurso da pesquisa foi o periódico abolicionista por ele criado e chefiado, o A Redempção, publicado na cidade de São Paulo entre janeiro de 1887 e maio de 1888. Um estudo da estrutura deste jornal e do modo com que, em seu interior, uma multiplicidade de projetos para a abolição do cativeiro no país puderam ser identificados, configuram objeto do terceiro capítulo. A análise específica das ideias de Antonio Bento na qualidade de redator-chefe do periódico (expressas em seus editoriais) compõe a última parte deste trabalho, na qual evidenciamos como, na vigência de seu jornal, o abolicionista lutou contra o cativeiro explorando as contingências da campanha e adaptando seu discurso com vistas a acelerar a derrocada da instituição escravista no Império do Brasil. / By examining the public life and practices of the abolitionist Antonio Bento de Souza e Castro, this dissertation intends to contribute to the debate on the campaign against slavery held in the province of São Paulo over the 1880s. Antonio Bento was frequently identified as the mentor and leader of the radical abolitionist organization Ordem dos Caifazes, which was composed of free men who aided and planned the flights of enslaved men and women in the interior of the province. The first part of the dissertation analyzes the central role played by slavery and its termination in the national political agenda throughout the 1880s, which affected the activities and strategies of the abolitionist movement developed in the province of São Paulo.The second part of the dissertation revisits the life trajectory of Antonio Bento, reviewing the public memory concerning the abolitionist as well as his participation in the struggles against slavery via activities carried out in the judicial arena, engagement in the Fraternity Igreja da Nossa Senhora dos Remédios and, most importantly, involvement with the press. The abolitionist newspaper A Redempção, created and led by Antonio Bento and published in the city of São Paulo between January 1887 and May 1888, was a fundamental source for this dissertation. A study on the structure of such newspaper and on the multiple political projects of abolition that it gathered can be found in the third chapter. Finally, the last chapter focuses on the analysis of Antonio Bentos views as the editor in chief of A Redempção. This chapter demonstrates that Antonio Bento\'s engagement in the fight against slavery relied on the criticism to the contingencies of the abolitionist movement and on a changeable abolitionist discourse aimed at rushing the downfall of the institution of slavery in the Empire of Brazil.