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Almost four decades of decolonisation and independence of sub-Saharan Africa have been characterised by inter-state and intra-state conflict situations, denying the continent stability and development. The study critically examines the evolution of a vision for collaboration and cooperation on peace and security in the interface between the African Union and the United Nations. The post Cold War period allowed the institutionalisation of peace and security cooperation between the UN and regional organizations, in particular the AU. The analysis argues that regional stability has been elevated into one of the key indicators of possible threats to international peace and that regionalism recognised as a necessary component of multilateralism in maintaining peace and security in the world. The UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council have developed a structured relationship that ensures information exchange on issues on common concern. Africa is assuming responsibility ad ownership of its peace and security problems by seeking to find solutions in partnership. The complementarity and comparative advantage of the two organizations has contributed to the emerging continental stability, state institution building, governance structures and African Peace and Security Architecture. The 2000 AU Constitutive Act and the 2002 AU Peace and Security Protocol had purposefully entrenched collaboration with the United Nations on peace and security. The signing of the 2006 Declaration Enhancing UN-AU Cooperation provides the framework and compass for building the AU capacity and access to resources. The evolving peace and security cooperation is not an easy matter as African leadership seeks to convince the international community, especially the UNSC, not to be indifferent to Africa’s perennial prevalence of conflicts. AU and UN peace and security cooperation is in its infancy, African leadership political will is the key to its consolidation. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This inquiry was prompted by the resurgence of the phenomenon of coups in Africa in the recent past. The most recent wave of coups has brought the phenomenon under the scrutiny of continental and international bodies. Unlike in the first three decades after independence, which were characterized by inaction and indifference in the face of coups, in recent times African leaders are determined to stem the tide of coups through an unprecedented set of continental and sub-regional norms and collective action. The mini-thesis analyses traditional, and modern security paradigms, as well as comparative politics in order to understand and situate African coups. It argues that the African coup oscillates between the realist, organizational and praetorian paradigms of civil-military relations. Unlike its predecessor, the moribund Organisaton of African Unity (OAU), the African Union (AU) through normative instruments has demonstrated greater enthusiasm not only in reversing the coup tide, but more fundamentally in entrenching a culture of democracy and good governance. Its pronouncements and active engagement in coup-affected countries have been consistent, unambiguous and forthright. In conclusion, the mini-thesis identifies and assesses a myriad of factors at state and regional levels, as well the interests of foreign actors which have over the years conspired to limit the ability of continental bodies to deal effectively with unconstitutional changes of government. These factors, which are largely located at state level, at the core of which is the nature and form of the African state, need to be addressed first in order to rid the continent of the coup contagion. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The purpose of this study is to ascertain what role multilateral diplomacy has played in building and operationalising the AU, and whether it is likely to continue to consolidate the Union and, as a corollary, Africa’s socio-economic and political renewal. In this way the dissertation analyses both the role of multilateral diplomacy already utilised and the future prospects for diplomacy to entrench the Union’s organs and programmes. As most of the primary organs of the AU were established during the period 2000-2004, the diplomatic substance and process, which was predominantly multilateral in form during that period, is examined. The study attempts to provide explanations and offer recommendations for diplomatic behaviour by African states within the continental organisation, and the AU within the international context. Rationalist as well as constructivist international relations theory is used as a conceptual framework in order to examine diplomatic relations aimed at promoting issues of security, power and survival of the state, as well as ideas related to political economy, international cooperation and the environment, and international institution building. The diplomacy already utilised in the creation of the AU’s primary organs was predominantly focused on procedural issues, conducted by means of African multilateralism such as regional bloc diplomacy and personal diplomacy by African Heads of State and Government. The necessity to include other, non-state actors in the AU consolidation process is also evident. Prioritising the Union’s policy objectives under economic development and integration; continental good governance; and the popularisation of the AU, the study postulates that future African diplomacy will probably continue to be regionally driven, economic and public in nature and focused on making tangible progress. With the institutional infrastructure in place, the need for multilateral diplomacy to be geared towards implementation of AU commitments is emphasised. Multilateral diplomacy is likely to prevail in AU diplomatic practice both in terms of substance and procedure and will need to focus on addressing the enormous challenges faced by the continent including eradicating poverty and underdevelopment, ensuring peace, security and stability and combating HIV and AIDS, amongst others. The AU needs to use multilateral diplomacy, not exclusively but in conjunction with other forms of diplomacy, to effectively and efficiently implement its commitments and programmes for the tangible benefit of the ordinary African citizen. Only then will the AU be deemed credible in the eyes of its people and the rest of the world. Copyright / Dissertation (MDIPS)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The author views that the complexity of conflict implies that the African Union’s engagement with conflict – both in understanding and managing it – will benefit from an approach informed by the theory of complexity. Discusses the following questions: (1) What normative framework currently informs the African system of conflict management? (2) Is complexity theory compatible with the analysis and management of conflict? (3) What are the implications for conflict analysis and management? (4) What would a complexity approach add to the African system? / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Patrice Vahard, Faculty of Law, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Frage, welche Auswirkung die Zunahme irregulärer Migration aus den Gebieten Afrikas südlich der Sahara in die Europäische Union (EU) auf die politischen Beziehungen der Regionen zueinander hat. Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten zu internationaler und irregulärer Migration und ihrer Auswirkung auf die Internationalen Beziehungen sind bisher die Ausnahme. Die vorliegende Arbeit leistet einen Beitrag dazu, diese Lücke zu füllen und Migration aus einer politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektive zu beleuchten. Durch eine fundierte Analyse können Politikstrategien der Afrikanischen und der Europäischen Seite aufgezeigt, die Chancen der Interessensdurchsetzung bewertet und die Wirkung der Kooperation auf die Problematik der irregulären Migration eingeschätzt werden. Die Arbeit baut auf den gängigen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen auf, die Hypothesen beruhen auf einer Gegenüberstellung der kooperationspolitischen Annahmen des Neorealismus und des neoliberalen Institutionalismus. Die empirische Überprüfung beruht auf einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse zugänglicher Dokumente und Verträge der EU und der African Union (AU) sowie der Westafrikanischen Regionalorganisation ECOWAS. Ergänzt wird die Dokumentenstudie um Experteninterviews mit afrikanischen Botschaftern in Berlin. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Zunahme irregulärer Migration zu einer Veränderung in der Europäisch-Afrikanischen Kooperation geführt hat. Migrationspolitik ist zu einem strategischen Bereich der EU-Außenpolitik gegenüber Afrika geworden. In der Europäischen Politik überwiegen trotz Anerkennung der entwicklungspolitischen Möglichkeiten regulärer Migration restriktive Ansätze. Diese wirken sich nachteilig auf die Afrikanischen Herkunftsländer aus und begünstigen eine weitere Zunahme irregulärer Migration. Um angemessene Politikstrategien zu entwickeln ist aufgrund einer nicht zu erwartenden Veränderung der Europäischen Politik insbesondere die Afrikanische Seite gefragt. Hier dominierte in der Vergangenheit eine kritische Haltung gegenüber Personenfreizügigkeit. Erst seit kurzem kommt es zu einer abgestimmten supranationalen Positionierung auf ECOWAS- und AU-Ebene, in der positive Wirkungen regulärer Migration anerkannt werden. Diese spiegeln sich aber bisher nicht in nationalstaatlichen Politiken wider. / The thesis deals with the question, whether the increased irregular migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union (EU) has an impact on the inter-regional relations. Papers dealing with international and irregular migration and its impact on international relations are still rare. The thesis contributes to fill this gap and to highlight migration from a political science point of view. By providing a comprehensive analysis, political strategies of the African and the European side are identified, the chances of enforcements of interests showed and the effect of cooperation on the prevention of irregular migration is assessed. The thesis is based on the established theories of international relations. The hypothesis are based on the assumptions of neorealism and neolibral institutionalism on international cooperation. The empirical testing is based on a qualitative content analysis reviewing of available documents and contracts of the EU and the African Union (AU) as well as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). In addition, data derives from expert interviews conducted with African ambassadors in Berlin. The thesis comes to the conclusion that the increase in irregular migration let to a shift in the European-African cooperation. Migration policy now is a strategic part of the European foreign policy towards Africa. The European policy mainly pursues a restrictive policy although the chances of a regular form of migration have been officially recognized. This policy approach has a negative effect on the African countries of origin. At the same time, it favors a further increase of irregular migration. In order to develop an adequate policy, the African governments are particularly challenged as the European policy cannot be expected to change its politics towards migration. Here, in the past a critical position towards freedom of movement dominated. Only recently, a supranational position at ECOWAS-level comes up, which appreciates the positive effects of migration. However, this is not yet translated into policies at the national level.

"The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), in spite of its commitments to human rights, failed to develop its institutions for conflict resolution and thus address the problem of massive and grave human rights violations that occurred as a result of conflicts. The OAU failed to actively engage the African Commission, which was established to promote and protect human rights, in addressing any of the conflicts in Africa. The OAU also failed to take action on the reports of the African Commission, in which the Commission had highlighted cases of massive and grave violations of human rights occasioned from conflicts. Consequently, most of the conflicts in Africa have not been fully resolved and there are still instances of sporadic outbreaks of violent conflicts with fatal consequences. The African Union (AU) improves upon the commitment of the OAU to human rights and conflict resolution by incorporating human rights norms into its Constitutive Act and the establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AUPSC). However, the AU is yet to demonstrate its real commitment to human rights and conflict resolution particularly in taking action on reports of violations of human rights occurring as a result of conflicts. ... This thesis is composed of five chapters. This first chapter provides a general introduction to the thesis and outlines its structure. Chapter two looks at the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution and examines some of the tensions that exist between the two fields in terms of their normative standards, objectives and strategies. The third chapter then looks at the mechanisms for conflict resolution in Africa under the OAU, manely the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA) and the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR), their successes and failures and the lessons that can be drawn from their performance and also discusses the role of the African Commission in conflict resolution. Chapter four discusses the AUPSC, its structure, powers, organisaton and performance so far. Chapter five covers the conclusions and recommendations of the study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Department of Political Science, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis deals with the policy of apartheid in the SAU and later in the SAR and its reflexion in the foreign countries. Massacre in Sharpeville, which took place on March 21, 1960 close to Johannesburg had an important impact on the approach to the policy of racial segregation. South African police opened fire on the crowd of protesters against pass law, 69 people were killed and many others wounded. Sharpeville became a symbol of the policy of racial segregation and oppression of the non - white population of South Africa and it gained worldwide response. Thesis is focused on the impact of this event on the short - term domestic crisis. The main part deals with the influence in international relations. It analyzes the impact of worldwide critique of apartheid on the relation with Commonwealth, United Nations Organization, Organization of the African Unity and USA. Key words Apartheid, South African Union, South African Republic, Sharpeville

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / In the process of describing the background to the problem, the author will in this section firstly, explain what the African Union (AU) has implemented, secondly, explain the relevant rules and regulations that need to be adhered to as World Trade Organisation (WTO) members and lastly, explain how the self-financing mechanism might be in contravention of the rules and regulations of the WTO required to be adhered to by all WTO Members.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Right (the Court) is the most recent of the three regional Human Rights Bodies. Envisioned by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right, its structures was not planned until the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) promulgated a protocol for its creation in 1998. The Court complements the protective mandate of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (‘The Commission’) and the Court has the competence to take final and binding decisions on human rights violations. Unlike its European and inter-American versions where their courts are integral parts of the cardinal instrument of the system ab initio, the establishment of the African Court was merely an afterthought. At the initial, protection of rights rested solely with the Commission upon African justice system which emphasises reconciliation as it is non-confrontational method of settlements of. The Commission is a quasi-judicial body modelled after the United Nations Human Right Committee without binding powers and with only limited functions covering examination of State reports, communications alleging violations and interpreting the Charter at the request of a State, the OAU or any organisation recognised by the OAU. The thesis answers the question whether the adoption of the African Court means that the African model of enforcing human rights has failed or whether having the Court constitute a concession to the triumph of the western model of law enforcement. The imperative of the 30th Ordinary Session of the OAU in 1994 where the creation of an African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights was viewed as the best way of protecting human rights across the region would be treated. The relevance of such an examination is highlighted by the fact that the African Charter did not make any provision for the establishment of a Court to enforce the rights guaranteed thereunder. If we are to assume that justice by reconciliation has failed and should be replaced by or complimented with justice by adjudication as the primary means of conflict resolution, what guarantees are there that the latter form of justice will not also fail? This thesis therefore will critically evaluate the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and assessed its potential impact on the African human rights system. It will also probe the power of the Court and see whether a clear and mutually reinforcing division of labour between it and the African Commission can be developed to promote and protect human rights on the continent. This research brings to focus an area that requires attention if the African human rights regime is to be effective. It put to test the criticism against the African Charter and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and also identified the present existing flaws in the African regional system. Furthermore, it ascertained whether or not, given the availability of other options, a regional Court is, in fact, the ideal mechanism for the protection of human rights in Africa.