Thesis--Halle-Wittenberg. / "Diese Arbeit ist auch als Buch im Verlag von Max Niemeyer, Halle a.S., erschienen." Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [vii]-xi).

Thesis--Halle-Wittenberg. / "Diese Arbeit ist auch als Buch im Verlag von Max Niemeyer, Halle a.S., erschienen." Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [vii]-xi).

Orientador: Rosângela Aparecida de Medeiros Hespanhol / Banca: Ruth Youko Tsukamoto / Banca: Antonio Lázaro Sant'Ana / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a produção familiar no contexto da dinâmica agrária do município de Ortigueira (PR), de modo a entendê-la no processo de produção e organização desse espaço agrário. Além disso, buscou-se analisar a produção familiar nas comunidades rurais de Pinhalzinho e Vila Rica, de modo a discutir a subordinação dos produtores familiares ao capital, bem como as estratégias de reprodução social adotadas pelos mesmos para permanecerem no campo. Para tanto, tomou-se como referencial teórico norteador que a produção familiar estruturada a partir de relações não-capitalistas de produção é criada e recriada pelo próprio processo contraditório de desenvolvimento do modo capitalista de produção, que ao sujeitar a renda da terra ao capital, também possibilita sujeitar o trabalho que se dá na terra. Desse modo, o trabalho encontra-se estruturado em quatro capítulos. No primeiro capítulo buscou-se investigar, a partir da dinâmica regional paranaense, os fatores gerais que influenciaram o processo de formação territorial do município de Ortigueira (PR) e as relações deste processo com a constituição da estrutura fundiária municipal, de modo a compreender a ocupação e o loteamento das comunidades rurais de Pinhalzinho e Vila Rica. No segundo capítulo procurou-se identificar, com base nos dados do Censo Agrícola de 1960, Censos Agropecuários de 1970 a 1995/96 e dados da Pesquisa Agropecuária Municipal de 1990 a 2001 - ambos do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), a expressividade sócio-econômica da produção familiar no contexto da dinâmica agrária do referido município, que mesmo com as reduzidas áreas... (Resumo completo clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This study has the objective to analyse family production in the context of agrarian dynamic at Ortigueira Municipal District (State of Paraná - BR), with the aim to understand it within the process of production and organization of this agrarian space. By far, it searches to analyse family production specifically on rural communities of Pinhalzinho and Vila Rica, in a way to discuss family producers subordination by the capital, and as well their adopted social reproduction strategies to continue on the field. To reach this on we take, as theoric reference, the fact that family production structured by non-capitalistic production relationships is created and recreated by the contradictory process of capitalism development itself, which submits land rent to the capital and make it possible to submit the land labour too. By this way, the study is structured on five chapters. At the first, we research general factors that influenced territorial formation process on Ortigueira Municipal District, considering regional dynamic at the State of Paraná on its relations with the constitution of municipal land structure, searching to understand the occupational process of Pinhalzinho and Vila Rica communities. At chapter two we try to identify, based on agriculture census data, as well as municipal districts agricultural researches of IBGE (Brazilian Geographic and Statistics Institute), the social and economical expression of family production in the context of the agrarian dynamics which, although presenting reduced areas, reveals extremely significant participation on municipal agrarian production. The third chapter primes for family production analysis on rural communities of Pinhalzinho and Vila Rica, focusing social reproduction strategies adopted by the families to keep living on the field. The fourth chapter presents an analysis of annual accountancy of 14 production unities... (Complete abstract click electronic address below) / Mestre

After the end of legislated apartheid, the South African government changed old policies that had been driven by segregation against the black majority. Black small-scale farmers in rural areas were encouraged to join commercial agriculture to capitalise on state subsidies and support. Municipalities including Buffalo City Metropolitan, Great Kei, Amathole and others in the Eastern Cape, in collaboration with the Eastern Cape Department of Agriculture and agro industry, introduced programmes such as the Massive Food Production Programme and the current Cropping Project to support rural farmers and to reduce poverty in the province. The initiatives included the introduction of genetically modified maize seeds, chemical fertilisers, chemical herbicides, and pesticides, as well as herbicide-resistant and pest-resistant crops. However, joining state-funded initiatives meant farmers had to give up the farming practices and knowledge systems that had sustained them for years, and they lost the kinship they had built with the local soil and its organisms. By kinship I am referring to a symbiotic relationship that does not separate nature from society, a relationship that is mutualistic and in which there is no mastery of one party over the other. Working with rural Eastern Cape small-scale farmers who participated in these programmes, this study employs a multidisciplinary approach to understand the changing agricultural landscape in rural South Africa, focusing on the consequences of state-funded programmes on local soil knowledge in the context of current Eastern Cape industrial agrarian policies. Navigating from small-scale farmers' voices, remote sensing technology, history, African environmentalism, soil science and the human psyche, the study examines what happens when corporations and the government encroach on traditional and small-scale agriculture. This integrative research methodology of the Environmental Humanities, framed from the Global South, compels us to reconceptualise our relationship with nature. The study argues that while agro-industrial technologies can be used with existing local practices to assist farmers, they should never be introduced as a replacement for existing local knowledge of soil fertility. Moreover, where policies focus on the financialisation of the agrarian economy, such policies risk benefitting agrobusinesses instead of poor, small-scale farmers. If policies intended to stimulate rural development are to be effective, the needs of rural small-scale farmers must be taken into consideration when such policies are initiated.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2014-11-07T15:41:42Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Luciana Ramos Jordão - 2012.pdf: 7480473 bytes, checksum: 82cb6fcbad6bd2ddb5df64b38d3290ad (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2014-11-07T15:42:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Luciana Ramos Jordão - 2012.pdf: 7480473 bytes, checksum: 82cb6fcbad6bd2ddb5df64b38d3290ad (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-07T15:42:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Luciana Ramos Jordão - 2012.pdf: 7480473 bytes, checksum: 82cb6fcbad6bd2ddb5df64b38d3290ad (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-28 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This dissertation analyses if there is any need in forbidding land acquisition by foreigners considering the historical and juridical aspects of Brazilian land structure and the agrarian issue. After 1998, when the General Advisory of the Union published a legal opinion on several agrarian problems were justified by the permission foreigners had to freely acquire land in Brazil. The paper establishes a connection between the events related to land structure formation, indicating agricultural characteristics due to peasants farming and to agribusiness in order to determine if there is any influence from land acquisition by foreigners in the agrarian issue that might deepen land concentration and make workers life conditions worse. / O trabalho analisa a necessidade de imposição de restrições à compra de terras por estrangeiros no Brasil tendo em vista a questão agrária e aspectos histórico-jurídicos da estrutura fundiária brasileira. Após a publicação do parecer da Advocacia-Geral da União, em 1998, diversos problemas agrários foram vinculados à permissão dada aos estrangeiros para que adquirissem terras no Brasil. O trabalho estabelece relação com os eventos que conduziram à formação da estrutura fundiária do país, apresentando as características atinentes ao modelo de agricultura camponesa e ao agronegócio, a fim de verificar se há influência advinda da compra de terras por estrangeiros na questão agrária suficiente a aprofundar a concentração fundiária e piorar as condições de vida dos trabalhadores rurais.

The history of the agrarian reform movement in Texas, its origin and its activities, reveals a minimal participation of the Negro. The relationship of the white farmer and the Negro in Texas with regard to agrarian reform demonstrates what they had in common and why the black did not choose to embrace agrarian reform.

M.A. Faculty of Humanties, University of the Witwatersrand / The racial discrimination under colonialism and apartheid culminated to the dispossession of black people from their land, and to unequal land distribution between black and white people. Territorial segregation during this period was not only about the displacement of black people from their land and their deprivation to equal access to land compared to their white counterparts, it was also about economic deprivation, eradication of subsistence agriculture and the transformation of blacks into wage labourers (Hall, 2004; Walker, 2008).The post-apartheid land reform process was initiated to redress the injustices and inequalities of the past. It took a market-driven approach to blend the objectives of land reform with those of national reconciliation and maintenance of food security (DLA, 1997). The land reform process took a form of restoring land to its original owners who were forcefully removed from it after June 1913 or compensation if land could not be restored. It was also aimed at securing tenure rights for farm workers, labour tenants, farm dwellers and people residing in communal areas. The aims of the third part of the land reform programme was to redistribute 30% of commercial farms in white hands to black people with the view of redressing racial disparities in landholding. As early as in the initial stages of the development of South Africa’s land policy in the early 1990s, scholars and civil society groups warned about the ineffectiveness of the market to deliver on land reform objectives. This paper adopts a case study approach to study the South African land reform process in relation to the notion of empowerment. It focuses on the Land Reform for Agricultural Development (LRAD) sub-programme by looking at the intersection between race, gender and class. Bambanani Fruits (Pty) Ltd, an LRAD project based in the Gauteng province is used as a case study. This is an LRAD Equity Scheme project, meaning that its beneficiaries (who are former workers on the farm) acquired an LRAD grant to purchase equity shares to be co-owners of the project. Bambanani Fruits is a successful project considering its productivity and access to the market. This paper investigates how much LRAD beneficiaries are part of this success i.e. whether they have agency, whether they feel a sense of ownership and control of the project, and the extent at which they take part in decision making in the project. This task is carried out through the application of Kabeer’s (1999) instrumentalist model of measuring empowerment. Kabeer states that empowerment is measured by looking at three aspects, namely; resources, agency and achievement. Kabeer’s model is applied to the data which was collected through various means including in depth interviews with Bambanani LRAD beneficiaries and land officials from the province, document analysis and review of existing scholarly work on land reform. It is well documented that South Africa’s land reform process has been very slow in delivering to its objectives, and departmental reports used in this paper also confirm this assertion. The research results reveal that even though more land was transferred under LRAD, the sub-programme also encountered some of the challenges and hindrances faced by its predecessor Settlement/Land Acquisition Grant (SLAG). It faced budgetary constraints, complexities of the land market such as price restrictions and resistance by land owners to cede land, and so on. Generally, it was found that LRAD tended to entrench race, gender and class disparities in landholding. At Bambanani, I discovered that LRAD has affected beneficiaries differently. The sub-programme has stratified these beneficiaries into competing class factions. Divergent interests have emerged to distort the actual meaning of empowerment. I have labelled this tension a ‘dichotomous factionalism’. The struggle and conflict is caught up between beneficiaries themselves, and their disunity has left the hegemony of the farm’s management unchallenged. I argue that, their empowerment is firstly condemned from within and this internal condemnation limits their negotiating power with the management. Secondly, their empowerment is curtailed by the farm’s management in such as way that it sometimes uses its majority shares to justify unilateral decision making. According to Kabeer, empowerment ought to encompass egalitarian decision making. Respondents have reported this is not always being the case at Bambanani. One group of participants complained about how things have remained the same on the farm despite the acquisition of LRAD shares to co-own the farm. Another group which is mostly comprised by trust members argued that things have changed for the better compared to the period prior to the attainment of these equity shares. In doing so, this group blames the discontent group for the lack of commitment to the project and for being after money over the interest of the project. The discontent group has also complained that the trust is not representing their interests to the management, and whenever they lay complaints there are often threats of expulsion. Apart from the above mentioned conflict of interests amongst Bambanani beneficiaries, positive elements were also discovered where beneficiaries agreed on some areas of dissatisfaction. I have labelled this a Collective Discontent Spectacle. The plight of beneficiaries is caused by the lack of adequate exposure to the business side of the farm’s operation and the lack of delivery on houses which were promised to them by the management as part of the shareholding package. Having considered the Bambanani case and other literature on LRAD, I concluded that LRAD has failed to fulfil empowerment requirements as per Kabeer’s model.

All western states today define themselves as nation-states, and all of these states have a political and economic structure in which an individual’s right to own private property is an underlying and pervasive feature. Drawing on examples from the historical trajectories of the US and Norway between ca 1760 and 1880, this dissertation explores the development of nation-states and the role of private property rights in this development. I demonstrate the fundamental role both of the idea of private property for the ideology of nationalism, and of the significance of a particular kind of property regime (widespread landowning) for the emergence and development of nationalism as historical phenomena. The evidence on which this dissertation relies has been extracted from historical documents consisting primarily of political pamphlets and speeches. The documents are chosen from what we can call “the national movement” e.g. dominant public debaters, policymakers and agitators. To compliment and contextualize my documentary analysis I have drawn on a range of secondary literature on social, historical and economic developments. The analysis has sought to unravel nationalism as an emerging historical phenomena in each of the cases investigated by focusing on authorial meaning in specific historical contexts. The core concept of nationalism has been arrived at by continuously comparing the developments in the US and Norway. The main points that this dissertation make are that it was the emergence of more widespread smallholding of land that was one of the most decisive preconditions for the emergence of nationalism in the US and Norway. Furthermore, this dissertation suggest that widespread ownership of land resulted in the emergence of a form of nationalism in which ownership of landed property was crucial because it became tied up with the idea of national popular sovereignty. Put in a simplified way: sovereignty was popular because property was popular (widespread). This connection was made mainly on the one hand from the real historical tie between ownership of land, juridical sovereignty and political powers, and on the other hand from the more conceptual similarity between property rights or ownership and sovereignty. I have identified two forms of nationalism based on the way that property was understood in the national ideology. The first form of the nation describes the agrarian phase of nationalism where it was real landed property that was seen to be crucial for the creation of national sovereignty. The second form of the nation describes a form of industrial nationalism. With the coming of industrial property and the expansion of wage labour, landed property lost its significance, and instead the right to the fruits of one’s labour was understood as the most important part of the property right. I have called this a shift from land to labour, or a transvaluation of property. This property rights perspective on nationalism in the US and Norway contributes to a new understanding of nationalism not only in these places but perhaps also in the western world in general. The development in the US and Norway can be seen in the wider context of the decline of feudalism and absolutism and the emergence of democratic, industrial societies in the western world. The landed, agrarian form of nationalism might in effect be a ‘missing link’ between pre- or proto-national forms of society (feudal, religious, absolutist, mercantilist, etc.), and the fully modern industrial form identified for example by Ernest Gellner. It is the connection between property (from land to labour) and sovereignty that unites them.

On September 23, 1965, a small group of campesinos, teachers, and students attacked the army base in Madera, Chihuahua. In Mexico, this attack is widely considered to be the first of the socialist armed movements of the late 1960s and‘70s, inspiring the 23rd of September League and others. Nearly all the existing literature focuses on the group’s turn to armed struggle - but is this what we should remember them for? The attack was preceded by five years of public mobilizations in support of the agrarian struggle and broader demands, involving vast numbers throughout the state, in a movement that transcended political parties and engaged in direct action. It was this broad social movement that nourished and gave birth to the armed movement; it was as innovative as Arturo Gámiz’s application of Che’s Guerra de Guerrillas to the sierra. I further argue that the armed struggle itself, which developed in the remote backlands, derived as much from a long tradition of armed self-defense endemic to the region as it did to the Cuban example. I also look at the participation of women, both voluntary and involuntary, in these events and the uses to which the assault on the base has been put in recent times.

No description available.