This study examines the concept and implementation of the rentierstate theory, and it aims to conduct a historical background analysis of the political developments in Syria, with a specific focus on the authoritarian rule of the Al-Assad family and its role in the onset of the ongoing civil war. By examining the governance periods of Hafez al-Assad and his son Bashar al-Assad, the political, economic, and social factors shaping Syria's transition into a predatory state are analyzed. The civil war, which erupted in 2011 in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, is scrutinized with an emphasis on its complexity and root causes. The thesis also provides an overview of prior research on Syria, with an emphasis on political, economic, and conflict studies. The research and analysis methodology employed is qualitative, relying on a thorough review of a qualitative literature review.

Over the years the Madrid Peace Conference has been relegated to paragraphs within history books and the importance of the conference seems to have been all but forgotten. While this may be due to the perceived failure of the talks to produce tangible peace negotiations, what one must take into consideration is the fact that neither the Oslo Accords nor the more recent “Road Map” to peace would have been possible if it were not for that first steps taken in Madrid. One must also not forget the diplomacy and countless man hours that were put forth with tireless effort to achieve the goal of a peace conference that would be attended by all desired participants. When studying the Madrid Conference, one must look not only at the conference itself and the rhetoric conveyed by the delegates but also at their personalities and relationships with each other.

The purpose of this study is to investigate why democracy has failed in Syria and which democratic theories that is appropriate to stop the starvation and misery in Syria. The country has been ruled by the Baath Party and the al-Assad family during four decades. The opposition could not create a common platform and they had lack of mutual trust, and no popular support. The weakness divided opposition because there are many ideologies, various ethnic and religious groups. The main theme of this study is democracy. I examine democracy from two theorists, Dahl and Putnam. I have investigated which of Dahl's democratic criteria can fulfill Syria and Putnam’s concept of social capital can explain and support Dahl's democratic criteria. Democracy is not just to remove a tyranny and by that I have investigated if there are weaknesses in the theory or difficult for people to apply the theory in reality if democracy fails. My thesis is a case study thus I see Syria as a unique case. The results have revealed that Dahl's theory for democracy is difficult to implement in Syria. There are no conditions for Dahl's theory.  Putnam's social capital revealed that there is a threat to democracy in Syria. The norms and social networks in Putnam theory can support tribal and minority. But in Syria there are the numbers of minorities and with this theory can hate and conflict increase between groups .That can create nationalism values. The results also have revealed that people do not have the will to democracy.

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The main objective of this research paper is to analyze the international effects the Syrian Conflict has had to the global community. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has declared this conflict to be the worst humanitarian crisis of our time. Millions of Syrians have fled their home country to avoid unjust persecution and are looking to not only neighboring countries, but the European Union for assistance in resettlement. Since the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, more than 220,000 people have been massacred, leaving fifty percent of the population in unrest due to home displacement. According to Amnesty International, apart from the twelve million Syrians who are in dire need of humanitarian assistance inside the country, there are about four million refugees fleeing to countries such as Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, and Iraq. These five countries are unable to maintain the capacity of refugees that are desperate to pour in from Syria. Further gulf countries such as Qatar, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia have refused to offer any resettlement venues for these migrants. Therefore, a plethora of European Union countries have received many asylum applications over the course of four years. Germany and Sweden have pledged resettlement locations for these refugees however relying on these two countries is not enough. This paper provides a historical background of the civil war in Syria, along with what the United Nations has done thus far to end the conflict. It will also analyze similar refugee situations in other countries in the region and compare it that in Syria. Finally, it will provide possible solutions of how the Refugee Agency, Human Rights Council, and Security Council can operate as a whole to distinguish this horrifying hostility in the region.