Abstract Purpose/Aim: To study how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution of information and culture products and to find a possible ideological explanation for their argumentation. Method/Material: I have used a rhetorical analysis to study and describe Piratbyrån´s website, a website that promotes free distribution of information and culture products. I have done so to find out how Piratbyrån argues for a free distribution and to find out what ideological foundation their argumentation is based on. Main results: The main results of the study show that Piratbyrån uses a variety of rhetorical techniques depending on the subject and purpose of the analyzed text. Their main arguments both promote their own thesis and argue against the copyright industry. The main part of the argumentation is based on logical and factual arguments, but parts of it also rely on an emotional appeal to the reader’s heart in order to persuade. The analysis also showed great similarities between Piratbyrån´s argumentation and the ideology that Siva Vaidhyanathan describes as information anarchy. An ideology that promotes free distribution of information and culture products, that relies on decentralized systems and nonhierarchical structures and is a result of the technological development such as digitalization and peer-to-peer networks. Keywords: Rhetoric, technology, file sharing, digitalization, network, ideology, anarchy, oligarchy, copyright, website

This essay aims to examine what subject positions are possible within the discourse of relationship anarchy. Through semi-structured interviews with four people who define themselves as relationship anarchists I've made a discourse analysis to determine how these relationship anarchists explain what, in the discourse they’re in, is described as an relationship anarchistic way of being, what isn’t and how they relate to this. Relationship anarchy is described as an ideology based on freedom. It is about the right to define their relationships as they like, as something constantly changing and that does not hold a specific value based on its label. But it is apparent that the freedom is relative when it occurs in a discourse where other standards are created. Based on these standards, both the hegemonic discourse, where being a couple is the relationship standard, and the counter-hegemonic relationship anarchist discourse, the respondents are positioning themselves as something different from that, and that their way of practicing relationships are based on responsibility and communication. Based on this I find that there are three possible subject positions within relationship anarchy: the idealogical, the player and the responsible.

This thesis focuses on change and persistence of the structure of the international system. It attempts to address the question why hierarchic structures prevailed during the Ancient and Classical eras (3000 B. C. ? 1500 A. D. ). The thesis compares and contrasts the Roman Empire (the Pax Romana period 1st century B. C. -3rd century A. D. ) and the Chinese Empire (the T?ang Dynasty 618-907 A. D. ) as hierarchic structures and the multi-state system of ancient Greece (8th-4th century B. C. ) and the multi-state system of ancient China (The Spring and Autumn and the Warring States Period 722-221 B. C. ) as anarchic structures. The thesis suggests that the moral purpose of the state, the competitive security environment, the desire for benefits and geopolitical and strategic advantages played the major role in the immediate transformation from anarchy to hierarchy. The thesis asserts that the generation of common goods, the decline in transaction costs and the success in securing the commitment of the members and the legitimacy of the system enabled and encouraged the persistence of hierarchic structures. It also re-emphasizes that whereas the persistence of hierarchic systems depends on the existence of several factors, only one factor can promote the persistence of anarchic structures e. g. the moral purpose of the state.

This research is about using the term ¡§realism¡¨ to study on the relationship across the Taiwan straits. After the Gulf War, Mainland China has started the revolutions in military affairs. Their think of military strategy was from ¡§Conquer Limited Way¡¨ to ¡§Conquer High Technology Limited Way¡¨. The People¡¦s Liberation Army has become more modernized, buying fighter planes, missiles, on board radar, electronic war equipment from foreign countries, and they also have developed J-10 fighters, mid and long range ballistic missile. The People¡¦s Liberation Army will finish the first step of the revolutions in military affairs in 2005, by that time SU-27 and SU-30 will be fully capable for combat. J-10 will began mass production and then Mainland China will have the ability to assault Taiwan. The military power will become unbalance across the Taiwan Straits. When the revolution in military affairs is completed by People¡¦s Liberation Army, People¡¦s Liberation Army will be fully trained for combat, which includes electronic warfare equipment, Air Combat Command, fighter planes, pilots, on-board equipment, missile etc. With the economic take-off Mainland China has increased their defense budget every year. Under this condition the military power can decide the stabilization of the Taiwan Strait. In order to balance the power military of People¡¦s Liberation Army, Taiwan has to purchase long range detect radar, electronic equipment and PAC III missile. According to the view of ¡§security dilemma¡¨ both side of Taiwan Strait have to purchase modern weapons from foreign country to defence itself, this in turn drives to arm race. So Taiwan has to use its advantages, such as the quality of pilot and performed fighter planes. to face the People¡¦s Liberation Army. For national security Taiwan should concern on the mid and long term Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle (UCAV) and long term weapon development program.

Στην παρούσα διπλωματικής εργασία εφαρμόζουμε τις αρχές της Θεωρίας Παιγνίων, και συγκεκριμένα τις έννοιες των Ισορροπιών Nash και των Παι­γνίου Συμφόρησης, ώστε να αναλύσουμε την επίδραση που έχει στην καθο­λική απόδοση ενός δικτύου και γενικότερα ενός συστήματος διαμοιραζόμενων πόρων η εγωιστική και ανταγωνιστική συμπεριφορά των χρηστών του. Αρχικά ασχολούμαστε με το πρόβλημα της εγωιστικής δρομολόγησης φορ­τίων από μια κοινή πηγή προς έναν κοινό προορισμό σε ένα δίκτυο επικοι­νωνίας. Σε ένα τέτοιο περιβάλλον οι χρήστες επιλέγουν εγωιστικά τις στρα­τηγικές τους, οι οποίες στην περίπτωση μας αντιστοιχούν σε μονοπάτια από την πηγή προς τον προορισμό Όταν οι χρήστες δρομολογούν τα φορτία τους σύμφωνα με τις στρατηγικές που επιλέγουν, έρχονται αντιμέτωποι με μια κα­θυστέρηση που προκαλείται από τα φορτία όλων των χρηστών καθώς διαμοι­ράζονται τις ακμές. Κάθε χρήστης στοχεύει στην ελαχιστοποίηση του εγωι­στικού τον κόστους, που αντιστοιχεί σε αυτήν ακριβώς την καθυστέρηση, γεγονός που συνήθως έρχεται σε αντίθεση με το στόχο της βελτιστοποίησης της καθολικής απόδοσης του δικτύου. Η θεωρία των ισορροπιών Nash μας παρέχει μία σημαντική αρχή επίλυ­σης για τέτοιου είδους καταστάσεις: μια ισορροπία Nash, είναι μια κατάσταση του συστήματος τέτοια ώστε δεν υπάρχει κάποιος χρήστης που να μπορεί να μειώσει το εγωιστικό του κόστος αλλάζοντας μονομερώς τη στρατηγική του. Σε ένα τέτοιο δίκτυο λοιπόν περιμένουμε οι χρήστες να καταλήξουν σε μια ισορροπία Nash. Ωστόσο, ο υπολογισμός μιας τέτοιας ισορροπίας παραμέ­νει ένα πρόβλημα του οποίου η πολυπλοκότητα είναι, στη γενική περίπτωση, άγνωστη. Στα πλαίσια αυτής της διπλωματικής εργασίας δείχνουμε πειραματικά ότι ο υπολογισμός μιας αγνής ισορροπίας Nash σε ένα περιβάλλον εγωιστικής δρομολόγησης, όπου η καθυστέρηση σε κάθε ακμή ισούται με το φορτίο της. μπορεί να γίνει σε πολυωνυμικό χρόνο για μια μεγάλη ποικιλία δικτύων και κατανομών των φορτίων των χρηστών. Επιπλέον, προτείνουμε μια αρχική ανάθεση χρηστών σε μονοπάτια η οποία, όπως δείχνουν οι προσομοιώσεις μας, οδηγεί σε μια αξιοσημείωτη μείωση του συνολικού αριθμού των βημάτων που απαιτούνται ώστε να καταλήξουμε σε μια αγνή ισορροπία Nash. Επίσης αποδεικνύουμε την ύπαρξη αγνών ισορροπιών Nash και για την περίπτωση που η καθυστέρηση σε κάθε ακμή είναι εκθετική συνάρτηση του φορτίου της. Στη συνέχεια προτείνουμε και αναλύουμε ένα νέο μηχανισμό κόστους που θέτει τιμές για την ανταγωνιστική χρησιμοποίηση πόρων από ένα σύνολο χρη­στών. Το βασικό πλεονέκτημα αυτού του μηχανισμού είναι ότι οι πόροι θέ­τουν τα κόστη με έναν ισοδύναμο, δίκαιο τρόπο, και το πλέον σημαντικό είναι ότι κανένας πόρος δεν επωφελείται εις βάρος των χρηστών. Αυτός ο δίκαιος μηχανισμός κόστους επαγάγει ένα μη συνεργατικό παί­γνιο μεταξύ των χρηστών, για το οποίο αναλύουμε τις ισορροπίες Nash. Απο­δεικνύουμε ότι δεν υπάρχουν αγνές ισορροπίες Nash, εκτός από την περί­πτωση όπου όλα τα φορτία είναι ίσα, ενώ δείχνουμε ότι υπάρχει πάντα μία πλήρως μικτή ισορροπία Nash. Επίσης αναλύουμε για το παίγνιο αυτό το Κόστος της Αναρχίας, που εκφράζει την απόκλιση της απόδοσης του συ­στήματος στη χειρότερη ισορροπία Nash από τη βέλτιστη απόδοση. Αποδει­κνύουμε ότι το Κόστος της Αναρχίας στη χειρότερη περίπτωση είναι γραμ­μικό ως προς το πλήθος των χρηστών και ότι το φράγμα αυτό είναι αυστηρό. Ωστόσο προτείνουμε δύο τρόπους για να μετριάσουμε τη δυσάρεστη αυτή διαπίστωση. Καταρχήν, μελετάμε την περίπτωση όπου τα φορτία των χρηστών επιλέ­γονται από μία πολύ ευρεία οικογένεια φραγμένων κατανομών πιθανότητας. Ορίζουμε το Διαχεόμενο Κόστος της Αναρχίας το οποίο λαμβάνει υπόψη την κατανομή πιθανότητας των φορτίων και αποδεικνύουμε ότι Διαχεόμενο Κόστος της Αναρχίας φράσσεται εκ των άνω από μία μικρή σταθερά. Επιπλέον, προτείνουμε έναν υβριδικό μηχανισμό κόστους, ο οποίος επιτυγχάνει ένα ση­μαντικά μικρότερο Κόστος της Αναρχίας, ενώ το κέρδος κάθε πόρου παρα­μένει αμελητέο. / -

Rares sont les références explicites à Marx ou au communisme sous la plume de Levinas, du moins dans ses œuvres principales. Étonnamment rares, si l’on considère leur contexte de rédaction. Les sciences humaines de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle sont occupées par la discussion du paradigme marxiste. Levinas subit de plein fouet les vicissitudes de l’histoire. A Kharkov, il assiste à la révolution russe de 1917. La catastrophe de la Shoah, dans laquelle disparait une grande partie de sa famille, marque à jamais sa mémoire. Toute sa démarche philosophique est orientée par la nécessité d’une nouvelle pensée de la communauté humaine assumant les leçons du XXème siècle. A rebours des lectures qui relèguent la question politique au rang de dimension subsidiaire dans l’œuvre levinassienne, nous faisons alors l’hypothèse de sa centralité. Ce sont les enjeux collectifs qui accusent l’insuffisance et imposent la reconsidération de l’approche humaniste du sujet et de l’éthique menée par Levinas. De ce point de vue, le projet de justice et d’universalisme porté par la tradition socialiste, notamment par Marx, constitue bien pour sa réflexion un objet central. A la fois sources d’inspiration, et révélatrices des limites d’une pensée strictement politique de la communauté, qui prétend faire l’économie de la transcendance, les propositions de Marx travaillent en sous-main les conceptions levinassiennes de l’individu, du pluralisme, de la justice ou encore de l’État. Nous avons voulu reconstituer ce dialogue implicite de Levinas avec Marx. Explorant la portée sociale et politique des motifs levinassiens, il s’avère que ces derniers recèlent une fécondité inattendue. La considération de l’ « anarchie du Bien », de la « patience » et de ce que Levinas nomme l’ « État libéral » permettent d’aborder de manière originale les questions de la justice, de la lutte sociale et des institutions politiques, faisant émerger des propositions ignorées tant par la tradition libérale que par celle du socialisme, dans ses versions marxienne et anarchiste. / Explicit references to Marx or to communism are rare in Levinas’ writing, especially in his major works. This is astonishing, considering the context in which he was writing. In the second half of the 20th century, human sciences were particularly influenced by the debate of Marxist paradigms. Levinas was truly impacted by the context of his era. He was a witness of the Russian revolution at Kharkov in 1917. Many members of his family were victims of the Shoah. This tragedy profoundly impacted him. His philosophical approach is lead by the necessity of re-thinking the « human community », whilst bearing in mind the lessons that the 20th century has left behind. Several critics have considered Levinas’ work to be “apolitical”, or have at least argued that the political undertones of his work are to be taken in consideration as a secondary factor. This thesis has, in contrary, focused upon and sustained the centrality of Levinas’ politically motivated thought. Communal and societal dilemmas are at the heart of Levinas’ ethical approach. The traditional socialist stance towards justice and universalism, in the line of Marx, constitutes a central focus of his reflexion. The suggestions made by Marx underpin Levinas’ conceptions of the individual, of pluralism, of justice and of the State. On one hand, they are a source of inspiration for Levinas, on the other, a source of critic. The thesis has aimed to reconstitute the intellectual dialogue that Levinas carried out with Marx between the lines. Whilst exploring the social and political leitmotivs of Levinas’ thought, the interminglement with Marx has been illuminating and innovative. It has enabled an original approach to questions revolving around justice, social struggle and political institutions. Considering the levinassian “Anarchy of Good”, the “Patience” and what Levinas calls the “Liberal state”, previously ignored positions emerge, which have been left on the side by the liberal tradition and by socialist thoughts both in Marxian and anarchist terms.

A presente dissertação de mestrado busca contribuir para o debate em desenvolvimento sobre a emergência de países do Sul Global, a partir do estudo das relações de poder hierarquizadas em que estes esses países estão inseridos. Nesse sentido, questiona-se como estruturas de assimetria material atuam sobre o comportamento de distintos atores do sistema internacional. As oportunidades e constrangimentos de tais estruturas materiais se manifestam especificamente para distintos atores? Como essa variação se articula com as possibilidades de emergência de países do Sul Global? A partir da resposta a essas perguntas, busca-se propor um caminho para identificar episódios históricos de constituição, por parte de países do Sul Global, de capacidade transformativa de sua posição nas relações internacionais em que se inserem. Para tanto, mobiliza-se um diálogo entre a literatura sobre diferenciação estrutural e sobre a hierarquia nas relações internacionais, como modo de articular analiticamente o processo de socialização entre estruturas políticas e econômicas. Desse diálogo estrutural, pretende-se compreender os mecanismos de exclusão que perpetuam assimetrias materiais no sistema internacional e os meios instrumentalizáveis para sua ruptura. / This master's thesis aims to contribute to the debate on the rise of countries from the Global South, proposing the study of hierarchical power relations that they entail. In this sense, it questions how structures of material asymmetries act conditioning the behavior of actors throughout the international system. Are the opportunities and constraints deriving such structures specifically varying for different actors? How is this variation related to the possibilities of rise in the Global South? From the answers to these questions, it is hoped to propose an alternative to identify historical episodes of constitution, by countries the Global South, of transformative capacity of their position in the international relations that they operate. Therefore, the work mobilizes a dialogue between the literature on structural differentiation and hierarchy in international relations, as a way of analytically articulate the process of socialization of political and economic structures. This structural dialogue focuses on identifying mechanisms of exclusion that perpetuate materials asymmetries in the international system and the means to their rupture.

A presente dissertação de mestrado busca contribuir para o debate em desenvolvimento sobre a emergência de países do Sul Global, a partir do estudo das relações de poder hierarquizadas em que estes esses países estão inseridos. Nesse sentido, questiona-se como estruturas de assimetria material atuam sobre o comportamento de distintos atores do sistema internacional. As oportunidades e constrangimentos de tais estruturas materiais se manifestam especificamente para distintos atores? Como essa variação se articula com as possibilidades de emergência de países do Sul Global? A partir da resposta a essas perguntas, busca-se propor um caminho para identificar episódios históricos de constituição, por parte de países do Sul Global, de capacidade transformativa de sua posição nas relações internacionais em que se inserem. Para tanto, mobiliza-se um diálogo entre a literatura sobre diferenciação estrutural e sobre a hierarquia nas relações internacionais, como modo de articular analiticamente o processo de socialização entre estruturas políticas e econômicas. Desse diálogo estrutural, pretende-se compreender os mecanismos de exclusão que perpetuam assimetrias materiais no sistema internacional e os meios instrumentalizáveis para sua ruptura. / This master's thesis aims to contribute to the debate on the rise of countries from the Global South, proposing the study of hierarchical power relations that they entail. In this sense, it questions how structures of material asymmetries act conditioning the behavior of actors throughout the international system. Are the opportunities and constraints deriving such structures specifically varying for different actors? How is this variation related to the possibilities of rise in the Global South? From the answers to these questions, it is hoped to propose an alternative to identify historical episodes of constitution, by countries the Global South, of transformative capacity of their position in the international relations that they operate. Therefore, the work mobilizes a dialogue between the literature on structural differentiation and hierarchy in international relations, as a way of analytically articulate the process of socialization of political and economic structures. This structural dialogue focuses on identifying mechanisms of exclusion that perpetuate materials asymmetries in the international system and the means to their rupture.

Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-09-06T17:54:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação 02 V17 (Versão Final) Bib 8.pdf: 1194102 bytes, checksum: 7ae0e7ab6718e39ffaf10a179b0a2b19 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-06T17:54:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação 02 V17 (Versão Final) Bib 8.pdf: 1194102 bytes, checksum: 7ae0e7ab6718e39ffaf10a179b0a2b19 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / Uma das necessidades básicas dos seres humanos é a liberdade, pois realiza uma função importante de motivação em várias ações do processo social. É notável o aparecimento de algumas metodologias no âmbito do gerenciamento de projetos que enfatizam características como flexibilidade e autonomia, termos associados à noção de liberdade. Todavia, na abordagem tradicional de gerenciamento de projetos, essas características não são tão perceptíveis quanto nas metodologias mais inovadoras, que as destacam, uma vez que naquela abordagem a utilização de mecanismos estruturados dificulta a implementação de maior flexibilidade e autonomia. O objetivo central deste estudo é realizar uma análise sobre a incidência dos construtos autoritarismo e anarquia no gerenciamento de projetos tradicional a partir da avaliação comparada entre a relevância de determinadas atividades e o seu nível de liberdade, como percebidos por gestores de projetos. Essa incidência é avaliada através de um banco de dados gerado a partir da aplicação de um survey em uma empresa multinacional de grande porte, que rotineiramente utiliza o modelo de referência PMBOK do PMI (Project Management Institute) para gerenciamento de seus projetos, sendo seus gestores de projetos detentores de certificação PMP (Project Management Professional). Com essa pesquisa exploratória, espera-se contribuir para a melhoria do nível de entendimento e aperfeiçoamento dos métodos de gerenciamento de projetos no que se refere a importância das atividades gerenciais e o seu nível de liberdade de ação que, pela atual pesquisa, revelou uma grande discrepância entre o discurso da relevância estratégica versus o grau de flexibilidade e autonomia efetivamente percebido pelo gestor de projeto. / One of the basics needs of human beings is freedom, because it performs a critical function of motivation in a range of actions regarding social process. It is remarkable the appearance of some methodologies within project management, which emphasize aspects such as flexibility and autonomy that are terms associated with the idea of freedom. Nevertheless, in the project management traditional approach these aspects are not as noticeable as in the most innovative methodologies that highlight them, once its utilization of structured mechanisms hinders the implementation of greater flexibility and autonomy. The main focus of this study is developing an analysis over the incidence of authoritarianism and anarchy constructs in the traditional project management model, considering the project managers perspective through the evaluation of freedom level in comparison with action relevance. This incidence is evaluated through a data collected from a survey applied in a large multinational company, which frequently uses the PMI PMBOK reference model for project management, as well as it is worthy to mention that the company project managers hold the PMP certification. Furthermore, this exploratory research is expected to contribute for enhance of comprehension level as well as the improvement of project management methods, regarding management activities relevance in comparison with action freedom, which this research has revealed a large dissonance between the discourse on strategic relevance versus flexibility and autonomy effectively noticed by the project manager.

No description available.