This doctoral thesis investigates dialect contact, identity and change in the ancient Greek colonies of Magna Graecia in the fourth and third centuries BC, as evidenced in the surviving epigraphic sources. South Italy is an area of the ancient Greek-speaking world in which a comprehensive investigation of the linguistic evidence has not previously been attempted. By considering linguistic questions within their broader socio-historical environment, I propose a radical redrawing of the dialect map of this area. I first present the historical context, the linguistic evidence and the methodological framework of my research in the introduction. In the first chapter I reject previous hypotheses about dialect contact in South Italy around 300 BC on the basis of both historical and linguistic arguments. I then propose a new and empirically better supported explanation for the development of the ‘severior’ long-vowel system in the dialect of the southern city of Locri, which previous studies have generally attributed to influence from the dialect of the important northern city of Taras and taken as evidence for Taras’ linguistic influence over the rest of Magna Graecia, and possibly also for the existence of a local Doric koina (i.e. a common dialect). In the second chapter I offer a new analysis of the inscriptional record from Locri and show that, in the absence of compelling evidence for influence from the dialect of Taras, a high level of prestige remained attributed to the traditional local dialect until at least the mid-third century. At the same time, the southern colonies in general, including Locri, can be shown to have been exposed to the koine before the northern ones, such as Taras, as a result of frequent contact with the Greeks of near Sicily in the fourth and early third centuries. In the third chapter I complete my investigation by assessing the use of dialectal features in literary texts produced in South Italy around the same period (both metrical inscriptions and literary works transmitted in manuscripts). The evidence of these texts, combined with that of documentary inscriptions, provides a deeper insight into matters of dialect identity and prestige in this area. After summarising the results of my research, I conclude my investigation with a brief discussion of the socio-historical reasons why a Doric koina did not develop in South Italy as in other areas.

This thesis uses the evidence for a wide range of phenomena relating to the exile of citizens, by judicial decision or through stasis, to investigate the political cultures of Greek poleis in the period c. 404-146 BC: the fundamental ideas about citizenship which were in circulation in poleis in that period. Political communication in the context of exile phenomena forced citizens to make explicit their fundamental assumptions about the criteria for civic inclusion and exclusion and about the extent and basis of civic obligation. Analysis of surviving evidence for that communication thus offers unique insights into prominent Greek ideas about citizenship. This method is applied, in chapters 1 and 2, to laws and discussions relating to, first, lawful expulsion and exclusion and, second, civic reconciliation and the reintegration of exiles; and, in chapters 3 and 4, to the political rhetoric, organisation and ideas of participants in exclusionary stasis and of exiled citizens. Wherever possible, ancient Greek philosophers’ arguments, rhetoric and assumptions are compared with those of non-philosophers. Study of the four different bodies of evidence suggests that most poleis’ political cultures were distinguished by their extremes, paradoxes, indeterminacies and contradictions. In particular, many poleis’ political cultures included very significant, radical norms of civic voluntarism, encouraging citizens to exercise extensive voluntary initiative in political contexts. Moreover, most poleis political cultures were dominated by two coexisting, radically opposed basic paradigms of the good polis and of good citizenship: these are defined in the introduction and chapter 1 as a ‘unitarian teleological communitarian’ paradigm and a ‘libertarian contractarian’ paradigm. In addition to revealing fundamental ideas of citizenship, some of the exile evidence enables study of the effects of those ideas in practice in this period: citizens’ political choices, claims and behaviour in relevant periods of stress, such as a bout of exclusionary stasis or a spell of political agitation while in exile, represent a well-defined and revealing case-study of the multiple, competing effects of those ideas on political interaction. It is argued that the exile evidence suggests that the same fundamental ideas of citizenship were conducive both to civic stability and flourishing and to destructive civic unrest.

La notion de « bile », exprimée par le substantif χολή, représente l’un des plus importants et des plus célèbres concepts de la médecine hippocratique, inséparable dans la pensée moderne de la fameuse théorie humorale. Au premier abord, les choses semblent donc claires. Cependant, lorsqu’on se plonge dans la lecture des écrits hippocratiques, la notion de cholè s’avère moins simple et évidente. Notre analyse des textes hippocratiques montre, en effet, que la cholè diffère d’un traité à l’autre et que chaque auteur hippocratique élabore sa propre notion de cholè. Nous nous sommes posé alors la question de l’origine de ce concept médical, ainsi que de l’origine de son cadre, qui est la théorie humorale. Notre quête des origines nous a amenée jusqu’aux idées homérique de chólos et aristophanique de cholè, qui se présentent toutes les deux comme fondamentalement différentes de l’idée médicale de cholè, unissant en elles-mêmes les notions de substance et d’état d’esprit. C’est justement cet écart entre les concepts non-médicaux et les concepts médicaux qui nous a intéressée au plus haut point, car il permet de voir comment les médecins hippocratiques élaborent leurs idées et leur discours. L’essentiel de notre travail consiste, donc, en un examen approfondi des procédés par lesquels les hippocratiques s’approprient des idées non-médicales : ce qu’ils retranchent, ce qu’ils rajoutent et ce qu’ils remanient. Nous espérons ainsi mettre en évidence les chemins par lesquels passe la pensée médicale ancienne, dans son processus d’émancipation de la culture traditionnelle, mais aussi des autres « sciences » de l’époque, telle que la philosophie. / The notion of « gall », expressed by the noun χολή, is one of the most important as well as the most celebrated concepts of the hippocratic medicine, inseparable for the modern mind from the humoral theory. At first sight then, the idea of « gall » seems fairly obvious. However, reading hippocratic treatises in detail, one realizes that the notion of cholè turns out to be far more complex and intricate than expected. Our analysis of the most relevant hippocratic texts shows indeed that the concept of cholè varies according to the texts involved, as every author tends to develop his own concept of cholè. We tried to find out whether the complex nature of the medical concept known as cholè could be elucidated by a survey of its origins, and a survey of the origins of the humoral system as a whole. Our search for the origins of cholè has led us to the Homeric concept of chólos and to the Aristophanic concept of cholè. The prerequisites of both notions conspicuously differ from the medical concept of cholè, because they unite the substance with a state of mind. This discrepancy between medical and non-medical concepts was of utmost importance for us, since it helped to understand how hippocratic authors developed their ideas and their discourse. The main asset of our work consists, therefore, in an in-depth analysis of the ways in which hippocratic authors take over some non-medical ideas to frame concepts of their own : what are the components they cut out, add or modify. Our goal is to show how ancient medical thought proceeds, in its endeavour to emancipate itself from the tradition as well as from the other contemporary “sciences”, as philosophy.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier l’expression du mouvement dans la peinture grecque ancienne, ici la peinture de vases, source très riche concernant l’univers visuel des Grecs de l’antiquité, et plus particulièrement le lien qui unit les émotions aux mouvements corporels. Les théories anciennes à propos de la représentation figurée sont unanimes : l’objet de la peinture est l’être humain et le peintre, dès les mythes qui relatent la création de la peinture et plus généralement des arts plastiques (sculpture et modelage), se doit de représenter le vivant sous tous ses aspects, extérieur comme intérieur; autrement dit, le corps humain apparaît comme le moyen le plus efficace pour exprimer et transmettre les émotions qui l’animent, par les mouvements ou les attitudes que le corps adopte ou encore les expressions faciales. Ce constat s’applique à l’expression des états émotionnels intenses ou altérés comme par exemple : les modifications qu’entraînent la consommation de vin, une action divine comme la possession par un dieu ou encore l’imminence de la mort. Il faut, pour mieux comprendre ces phénomènes, se tourner vers la conception ancienne de l’âme (θυμός et/ou ψυχή), qui dès l’époque homérique est conçue comme le siège des sentiments mais aussi comme un souffle qui entre et sort du corps. C’est une notion primordiale pour saisir la nature des mouvements qui animent les personnages figurés en proie à l’ivresse, sous le joug d’une possession divine ou sur le point de mourir : dans chacun de ces cas, l’âme est sollicitée d’une manière ou d’une autre, soit que ses liens avec le corps se trouvent relâchés ou qu’elle quitte temporairement ou définitivement le corps. Il apparaît que l’expression de ces états particuliers, dans l’imagerie grecque ancienne, n’ignore pas de tels concepts que ce soit à propos du but fixé à l’art ou sur la relation que l’âme entretient avec le corps : les mouvements corporels expriment clairement un état qui sort de l’ordinaire par l’orientation des corps, les gestes, les actions et les expressions faciales et ne semblent pas se borner à la figuration d’une simple réaction physiologique. Il s’agira également d’établir un lien entre les images anciennes et les théories modernes développées à propos de la figuration des mouvements dans l’art : le but étant de montrer que les peintres de vases privilégiaient bien plus l’expressivité, dans le but d’illustrer un concept, une idée, plutôt que de rendre compte d’une parfaite réalité / This thesis proposes to study the expression and depiction of movement in ancient Greek painting, specifically vase painting. While illustrating the very rich and unique source of the visual world of ancient Greece, the emphasis is kept on the link which unites the emotions to the body movements, gesture or posture. Theories about ancient pictorial representations are unanimous on the subject of painting the human figure. From the myths concerning the creation of painting and visual arts (sculpture & modeling), the artist must portray and illustrate the living in all aspects, external and internal. Using the human figure and representation of the anatomy, appears to be the most effective way to convey the emotions and feelings that animate the body through the depiction of gesture, posture or facial expression. This portrayal applies to the expression of intense emotion or altered state of being such as: the over consumption of wine, being possessed by a god (divine action) or the imminence of death. For a better understanding of the portrayal of this phenomenon, it is necessary to turn to the origin of the ancient Greek idea of the soul (θυμός or/and ψυχή). From the Homeric age this concept can be understood as the basis of sentiment and emotion and can be seen as natural as a breath which enters and exits the body. This notion is of key importance, to understand the origin of movement that brings to life the characters depicted in the images, whether consumed by drunkenness, under the yoke of divine possession or about to die. In each case, the soul is solicited, in one way or another, whether in its temporary or permanent separation or dissociative state from the body. Whether the aim is set out in art or in the relationship that the soul maintains with the body, Ancient Greek imagery does not ignore such concepts as the expression of these intense emotional and altered states whatsoever. Bodily movements clearly articulate an out of the ordinary state by the orientation of the body, gestures, actions and facial expressions and does not seem to be limited to the representation of only a physiological reaction. A link will be established between ancient images and modern theories developed on the subject of representation of movement in art. The objective: To demonstrate that the artists who adorned ancient vases favored the illustration of a concept or an idea, by imagination and expressivity, above the reporting of a perfect reality

nÃo hà / Com repercussÃo inegÃvel, os livros de Harry Potter foram publicados entre os anos de 1997 e 2007, somando sete tÃtulos. Embora um dos maiores fenÃmenos literÃrios do inÃcio do sÃculo XXI, a sÃrie nÃo tem sido amplamente contemplada pela comunidade acadÃmica por se tratar de um best-seller direcionado ao pÃblico infanto-juvenil. Mesmo assim, poucas questÃes acadÃmicas vÃo surgindo timidamente, como os problemas tradutÃrios, uma vez que a obra conta com um lÃxico diferenciado, uma histÃria complexa e possui uma extensÃo nada comum aos livros do gÃnero. Os estudos de nomes prÃprios, conhecido como OnomÃstica, configuram um grupo especÃfico, pois em muitos deles a autora utiliza-se de jogos de palavras e significados implÃcitos que podem vir a passar despercebidos dependendo do procedimento tradutÃrio. Por conta de todo o sucesso e nÃmeros expressivos, a obra representa um epicentro em um emaranhado de traduÃÃes. Entre tantas versÃes, o primeiro tÃtulo, Harry Potter and the Philosopherâs Stone (1997), foi traduzido para o grego antigo em 2004 pelo professor britÃnico de estudos clÃssicos Andrew Wilson. O objetivo do presente trabalho à comparar e analisar a traduÃÃo dos nomes prÃprios da referida traduÃÃo a partir da montagem de uma lista com os nomes prÃprios em inglÃs e em grego antigo, dividindo-os em categorias, observando o procedimento tradutÃrio, os caminhos escolhidos pelo tradutor. Sendo assim, caracteriza-se em uma pesquisa descritiva, baseada no mÃtodo de Lambert e Van Gorp (1985). A hipÃtese inicial à que muitos desses nomes, principalmente os criados pela autora, foram apenas transliterados, por conta da facilitaÃÃo em apenas transpor do alfabeto latino para o grego. Para a montagem da lista, a obra em inglÃs, considerada neste trabalho como texto fonte, foi lida destacando todos os nomes por ordem dos capÃtulos. Ao final da primeira etapa, o mesmo processo foi feito com a ediÃÃo em grego antigo. Com a lista finalizada, foram escolhidas categorias dos nomes, como personagens, lugares, objetos, entre outros. A segunda etapa do trabalho consistiu em compilar os procedimentos tradutÃrios. Com tudo considerado, a anÃlise pÃde ser iniciada, mostrando resultados como quais procedimentos tinham sido mais utilizados pelo tradutor. Conclui-se, entÃo, que o tradutor tomou caminhos que aproximavam o texto do leitor, como a aproximaÃÃo acÃstica, refutando a hipÃtese inicial do uso da transliteraÃÃo. Desta forma, ele mostrou demasiada criatividade nas suas escolhas, tornando o texto fluido. / Com repercussÃo inegÃvel, os livros de Harry Potter foram publicados entre os anos de 1997 e 2007, somando sete tÃtulos. Embora um dos maiores fenÃmenos literÃrios do inÃcio do sÃculo XXI, a sÃrie nÃo tem sido amplamente contemplada pela comunidade acadÃmica por se tratar de um best-seller direcionado ao pÃblico infanto-juvenil. Mesmo assim, poucas questÃes acadÃmicas vÃo surgindo timidamente, como os problemas tradutÃrios, uma vez que a obra conta com um lÃxico diferenciado, uma histÃria complexa e possui uma extensÃo nada comum aos livros do gÃnero. Os estudos de nomes prÃprios, conhecido como OnomÃstica, configuram um grupo especÃfico, pois em muitos deles a autora utiliza-se de jogos de palavras e significados implÃcitos que podem vir a passar despercebidos dependendo do procedimento tradutÃrio. Por conta de todo o sucesso e nÃmeros expressivos, a obra representa um epicentro em um emaranhado de traduÃÃes. Entre tantas versÃes, o primeiro tÃtulo, Harry Potter and the Philosopherâs Stone (1997), foi traduzido para o grego antigo em 2004 pelo professor britÃnico de estudos clÃssicos Andrew Wilson. O objetivo do presente trabalho à comparar e analisar a traduÃÃo dos nomes prÃprios da referida traduÃÃo a partir da montagem de uma lista com os nomes prÃprios em inglÃs e em grego antigo, dividindo-os em categorias, observando o procedimento tradutÃrio, os caminhos escolhidos pelo tradutor. Sendo assim, caracteriza-se em uma pesquisa descritiva, baseada no mÃtodo de Lambert e Van Gorp (1985). A hipÃtese inicial à que muitos desses nomes, principalmente os criados pela autora, foram apenas transliterados, por conta da facilitaÃÃo em apenas transpor do alfabeto latino para o grego. Para a montagem da lista, a obra em inglÃs, considerada neste trabalho como texto fonte, foi lida destacando todos os nomes por ordem dos capÃtulos. Ao final da primeira etapa, o mesmo processo foi feito com a ediÃÃo em grego antigo. Com a lista finalizada, foram escolhidas categorias dos nomes, como personagens, lugares, objetos, entre outros. A segunda etapa do trabalho consistiu em compilar os procedimentos tradutÃrios. Com tudo considerado, a anÃlise pÃde ser iniciada, mostrando resultados como quais procedimentos tinham sido mais utilizados pelo tradutor. Conclui-se, entÃo, que o tradutor tomou caminhos que aproximavam o texto do leitor, como a aproximaÃÃo acÃstica, refutando a hipÃtese inicial do uso da transliteraÃÃo. Desta forma, ele mostrou demasiada criatividade nas suas escolhas, tornando o texto fluido. / With undeniable repercussion, the Harry Potter books were published between the years of 1997 and 2007, totaling seven titles. Although one of the largest literary phenomenon in the beginning of the XXI century, the series tend not to be given proper look by the academic community because it is a best-seller classified as childrenâs literature. Even though, few academic questions rise timidly, such as translation issues, since the books have different lexicon, complex plot, and not common extension for this genre. The study of proper names, known as Onomastics, are part of a specific group, once many of them are puns or have implicit meaning which may go underway depending on the translation procedure. Due to success and expressive numbers, the books are the epicentre in a web of translations. Among so many versions, the first book, Harry Potter and the Philosopherâs Stone (1997), was translated into Ancient Greek in 2004 by British Classical Studies Professor Andrew Wilson. Therefore, the goal in this present study is to compare and analyze the translation of proper names on the mentioned translation through the creation of a list of proper names in English and Ancient Greek, splitting them into categories, observing the translation procedures, the paths chosen by the translator. This way, it is characterized as a descriptive study, based upon Lambertâs and Van Gorpâs method (1985). Initial hypothesis is that these names, especially the ones created by the author, were just transliterated, because it seems easier just to go from the Latin alphabet to the Greek one. To set the list, the book in English, seen here as source text, was read highlighting all proper names by chapter order. By the end of the first stage, the same process was made with the Ancient Greek edition. With the list set, categories of names had to be chosen, such as characters, places, objects, among others. The second stage consisted on setting the translational procedures. With all considered, analysis could be initiated, showing results like which procedures had been used most by the translator. It is concluded then that the translator chose paths like approximating the text to the reader, such as using acoustic approximation, disproving initial hypothesis about the use of transliteration. This way, he showed undue creativity by his choices by making a flowing text. / With undeniable repercussion, the Harry Potter books were published between the years of 1997 and 2007, totaling seven titles. Although one of the largest literary phenomenon in the beginning of the XXI century, the series tend not to be given proper look by the academic community because it is a best-seller classified as childrenâs literature. Even though, few academic questions rise timidly, such as translation issues, since the books have different lexicon, complex plot, and not common extension for this genre. The study of proper names, known as Onomastics, are part of a specific group, once many of them are puns or have implicit meaning which may go underway depending on the translation procedure. Due to success and expressive numbers, the books are the epicentre in a web of translations. Among so many versions, the first book, Harry Potter and the Philosopherâs Stone (1997), was translated into Ancient Greek in 2004 by British Classical Studies Professor Andrew Wilson. Therefore, the goal in this present study is to compare and analyze the translation of proper names on the mentioned translation through the creation of a list of proper names in English and Ancient Greek, splitting them into categories, observing the translation procedures, the paths chosen by the translator. This way, it is characterized as a descriptive study, based upon Lambertâs and Van Gorpâs method (1985). Initial hypothesis is that these names, especially the ones created by the author, were just transliterated, because it seems easier just to go from the Latin alphabet to the Greek one. To set the list, the book in English, seen here as source text, was read highlighting all proper names by chapter order. By the end of the first stage, the same process was made with the Ancient Greek edition. With the list set, categories of names had to be chosen, such as characters, places, objects, among others. The second stage consisted on setting the translational procedures. With all considered, analysis could be initiated, showing results like which procedures had been used most by the translator. It is concluded then that the translator chose paths like approximating the text to the reader, such as using acoustic approximation, disproving initial hypothesis about the use of transliteration. This way, he showed undue creativity by his choices by making a flowing text.

Pour les citoyens d’Athènes au Ve siècle, l’expérience de la tragédie n’avait pas son début lorsque les spectateurs prenaient leur place dans le théâtre de Dionysos : en tant qu’expérience rituelle, la tragédie s’inscrit dans le contexte festif des Grandes Dionysies, point de référence fondamental pour comprendre les interactions entre le drame et les spectateurs en tant que πολῖται.Au cours des rites accomplis aux Dionysies, et en général au cours de chaque rituel accompli dans d’autres contextes, le rôle de spectateur constituait une activité rituelle à tous égards. Lorsqu'un rituel fait partie de l’intrigue du drame, un mécanisme de mise en abyme est activé en fonction des compétences et des expériences rituelles des spectateurs, qui étaient capables de reconnaître la forme, les implications et les marges d'efficacité du rite. Les rites tragiques présentent donc une efficacité rituelle, déterminée par la comparaison avec le rite réel, et une efficacité dramatique, liée aux dynamiques de l’intrigue. Les images des rituels de la tragédie sont construites en tant qu'images polyvalentes, connectées aux événements dramatiques et associées à l'expérience rituelle des πολῖται.Le rituel est également inséré dans les dynamiques de la performance tragique ; certains rites (supplications, lamentations, offrandes non sanglantes) sont particulièrement « bons à représenter » sur la scène, tandis que d'autres (notamment le sacrifice sanglant) se déroulent dans des espaces invisibles aux spectateurs. L'observation des mécanismes par lesquels l'espace de l'orchestre est modelé par la représentation du rite, et mis en communication avec les espaces rituel invisibles permet de comprendre comment les détails de l'action rituelle sont utilisé pour obtenir un effet dramatique. D'autre part, isoler les caractéristiques des rituels représentés dans l'orchestre du théâtre de Dionysos permet de réfléchir à la nature de la tragédie grecque en tant qu'expérience rituelle. / The experience of ancient Greek tragedy did not begin, for the 5th century Athenians, when the spectators took their place in the theatre of Dionysus: as a ritual experience, Greek tragedy is part of the ritual context of the Great Dionysia. During the festival, and in general during every ritual performed on a small or large scale, the role of spectator constituted a ritual activity in all respects.When a ritual is part of the tragic plot, it generates a mechanism of mise en abyme based on the skills and the ritual experiences of the spectators, who are able to recognize the form, the implications and the efficacy of the rite. The dramatic rites have their ritual efficacy, determined by the comparison with the actual rite, and their dramatic efficacy, depending on the dynamics of the tragic plot. The ritual sequences in Greek tragedy are represented as polyvalent images, connected to the interweaving of dramatic events, and associated with the ritual experience of the πολῖται.The ritual is also part of the dynamics of the tragic performance: some rites (supplication, funeral lamentations, bloodless offerings) are embedded on the tragic scene, while others (especially blood sacrifices) are performed offstage, and are therefore invisible to the spectators.Focusing on how dramatic rituals influence the construction of the dramatic space, and observing the mechanisms of ritual communication between the space of the theatre and the invisible ritual spaces, can help us understand how the representation of ritual actions can be used to activate the ritual competences and experiences of the spectators of ancient Greek Tragedy.On the other hand, observing the characteristics of the rituals that are suitable to be represented onstage, and embedded in the orchestra of the theatre of Dionysus, can clarify some aspects of ancient Greek tragedy as a ritual experience. / L’esperienza della tragedia non iniziava, per gli Ateniesi del quinto secolo, nel momento in cui gli spettatori prendevano posto nel teatro di Dioniso: in quanto esperienza rituale, la tragedia si inserisce nel contesto festivo delle Grandi Dionisie, punto di riferimento fondamentale per comprendere come il dramma interagiva con gli spettatori in quanto πολῖται. Nel corso dei rituali delle Dionisie, e di ogni rito compiuto su piccola o grande scala, l’attività di spettatore costituiva un’attività rituale a tutti gli effetti.Quando un rito si inserisce nel μῦθος del dramma, viene attivato un meccanismo di mise en abyme basato sulle competenze e le esperienze rituali degli spettatori, che sono in grado di riconoscere la forma, le implicazioni e l’orizzonte di efficacia del rito. I riti presentano un’efficacia rituale, determinata dal confronto col rito reale, e un’efficacia drammatica, connessa alle dinamiche degli eventi tragici. Le immagini dei rituali in tragedia si costruiscono come immagini polivalenti, che si connettono all’intreccio di vicende drammatiche, e si associano all’esperienza rituale dei πολῖται.Il rituale si inserisce, inoltre, nelle dinamiche della performance: alcuni riti (supplica, lamentazione funebre, offerte incruente) sono particolarmente adatti a essere rappresentati sulla scena, mentre altri (in particolare il sacrificio cruento) sono relegati negli spazi invisibili agli spettatori.Osservare i meccanismi con cui lo spazio dell’orchestra viene modellato dal rito, e messo in comunicazione con gli spazi rituali invisibili, permette di comprendere come i dettagli dell’azione rituale vengono evocati, sfruttando le esperienze rituali degli spettatori, per ottenere un effetto drammatico.Dall’altra parte, isolare le caratteristiche dei rituali rappresentati nell’orchestra del teatro di Dioniso permette di riflettere sulla natura della tragedia greca come esperienza rituale.

Cette thèse a comme objet d'étudier la nature de l'oeuvre perdue d'Hellanicos de Lesbos et de cerner le rôle que ce dernier a joué dans le développement de l'historiographie grecque classique. Le premier chapitre constitue un examen des données (état du corpus, problèmes liés aux corpus fragmentaires, problème posé par les titres) et propose des pistes d'interprétation. Le deuxième chapitre s'intéresse à un thème récurrent dans l'oeuvre d'Hellanicos, celui du "prôtos heurétés", et étudie cette notion dans les fragments. Le troisième chapitre enfin, étudie le rapport intertextuel problématique entre Hellanicos et l'historien athénien Thucydide. Ce travail comporte le texte grec des fragments accompagné d'une traduction française, qui sont donnés dans un deuxième volume. / The object of this dissertation is the re-evaluation of Hellanicos of Lesbos' fragments so as to determine the nature of his lost work and understand what role he played in the development of Ancient Greek historiography. The first chapter re-examines the available data (the corpus itself, problems pertaining to fragmentary texts as well as the problem of the titles under which the works are transmitted) while proposing possible interpretations. The second chapter focuses on one particular aspect of Hellanicos' work, that of the prôtos heurétés. Finally, the third chapter deals with the problematic intertextual relationship between Hellanicos and the Athenian historian Thucydides. The Ancient Greek text as well as the translation in French are given in a separate volume.

This thesis tackles a conspicuous absence in current scholarship on ancient theatre. Amid the recent scholarly interest in the rapid expansion of the theatre industry from the late fifth-century BC onwards, no study has been made of a central, defining even, element of ancient Greek drama at that time – the chorus. Instead, what we find is a widespread assumption concerning the fourth-century dramatic chorus, particularly with regard to the comic chorus, still prevalent in today’s scholarship: ‘The history of the dramatic chorus is one of decline both quantitatively and qualitatively’, states one of the more detailed recent reviews of the evidence for dramatic choral culture in the ancient world (Csapo and Slater 1995:349). The thesis focuses on the literary sources available to us concerning fourth-century dramatic choruses in Athens. The material is divided into three sections. The first section addresses the important testimony of Aristotle concerning the choruses of his day, particularly in the Poetics (chapter one). The second section analyses the choral text in the (probably fourth-century) Rhesus (chapter two), the interpolated choral passages in the Iphigenia at Aulis and Seven Against Thebes (chapter three), and the choruses of Aristophanes’ Assemblywomen and Wealth, as well as extant fragments of fourth-century comedy (chapter four). The third section is a survey of how the chorus is used in a wide range of fourth-century texts (chapter five), and gives special attention to Plato’s somewhat idiosyncratic presentation of the chorus in his works (chapter six). These analyses show 1) that ‘decline’ is an inappropriate term to describe the development of the chorus and 2) the creativity with which the chorus is used and thought about in fourth-century drama and society. The thesis aims to provide an elucidation of dramatic choral activity in the fourth century and to provoke further interrogation of the assumptions commonly held about the development of both the ancient chorus and ancient drama as a whole.

This is a study of love (erōs) in Plato’s Symposium. It’s a study undertaken over three chapters, each of which serves as a stepping stone for the following and addresses one of three primary aims. First: to provide an interpretation of Plato’s favored theory of erōs in the Symposium, or as it’s referred to here, a theory of Platonic love. This theory is understood to be ultimately concerned with a practice of living which, if developed correctly, may come to constitute the life most worth living for a human being. On this interpretation, Platonic love is the desire for Beauty, ultimately for the sake of eudaimonic immortality, manifested through productive activity. Second: to offer a reading of the Symposium which attends to the work’s literary elements, especially characterization and narrative structure, as partially constitutive of Plato’s philosophical thought on erōs. Here it’s suggested that Platonic love is concerned with seeking and producing truly virtuous action and true poetry. This reading positions us to see that a correctly progressing and well-practiced Platonic love is illustrated in the character of the philosopher Socrates, who is known and followed for his bizarre displays of virtue and whom Alcibiades crowns over either Aristophanes or Agathon as the wisest and most beautiful poet at the Symposium. Third: to account for how to love a person Platonically. Contra Gregory Vlastos’ influential critical interpretation, it’s here argued that the Platonic lover is able to really love a person: to really love a person Platonically is to seek jointly for Beauty; it is to work together as co-practitioners in the art of love. The art of Platonic love is set up in this way to be explored as a practice potentially constitutive of the life most worth living for a human being.

This study is about one of the most ubiquitous and yet little studied aspects of ancient Greek religion, the offering of so-called ‘first-fruits’ (aparchai) and tithes (dekatai) in Archaic and Classical Greece (c.700-300 B.C.). A widespread and traditional custom all over Greece and the Greek Mediterranean, the offering of ‘first-fruits’ and tithes entailed using a portion of the proceeds from a diversity of human activities (such as craft-work, fishing, trade, military expeditions) to present something to the gods. I look at the different kinds of aparchai and dekatai offered to the Greek gods by individuals and states under various circumstances, the various contexts in which the language and practice of making such offerings were used, the deployment of this religious custom in politics, and the transformation of a voluntary practice into a religious obligation. Ultimately, however, my major concern is with questions of religious psychology: why people should bring aparchai and dekatai to the gods, and what motivations and expectations they might have had. Because it was such a commonplace practice, the custom has been taken simply as a given in both ancient and modern scholarship; and no attempt has been made to explain its religious significance. By drawing on current anthropological studies of gift-giving, I argue that that aparchai and dekatai do not merely give to the gods, but give back to the gods some of the benefits granted by the divinities in the first place, reflecting first and foremost a sense of dependence on the divine. I suggest that the offering of aparchai and dekatai may be thought of as a means of settling men’s debts to, and thereby maintaining good relations with, the gods, who were considered the sources of both goods and evils. I challenge the emphasis, common in modern scholarship, on material returns as the central motive behind the act of bringing gifts to the gods. Instead I suggest that the study of gift-giving between humans and the divine should embrace the possibility that psychological feelings of dependence on and gratitude to the gods might also have been involved.