The imbizo was introduced in the light of the problems associated with indirect democracy, as well as attempts to bring democracy closer to the people in ways with which they are more familiar. The problem of the study was approached by putting the imbizo in perspective. Hence, a cybernetics model was used with the two information systems, namely the GCIS and the spider-web. They were used to describe the workings of the imbizo in the political system. A mixed method using both the quantitative and qualitative approaches investigated the problem by surveying students‟ understanding of the imbizo. A case study regarding service delivery and public participation was conducted at villages where the imbizo had been held. Generally, findings confirm the imbizo’s role as an instrument to enhance service delivery. The findings have some far-reaching implications for democracy: Unlike indirect democracy, the imbizo “takes the government closer to the people” through unmediated engagement of the people in order to realise direct democracy and accountability. / M.A. (Politics) / Political Science

The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy.  The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.

This essay aims to answer how domestic politics and events have affected the democratic development in Turkey from 2005 until 2015. Two questions are being discussed and answered; how has the democratic development in Turkey between 2005 and 2015 played out, and; which internal factors have contributed to the democratic development direction. The study is a theory consuming case study with both an explanatory and descriptive approach. The theoretical framework is built upon theories regarding democratization, regime types challenges of democratic consolidation are collected from well-established scientists. This framework is used on the empirical material of the study to bring forward answers to the research questions. The results of the study show that after some positive democratic around 2005, the democratic development has taken an anti-democratic turn after 2011. What could be described as an electoral democracy with liberal democratic tendencies in 2005 is 2015 better described as a hybrid regime, with authoritarian tendencies.

Student Number : 8908713V - M Ed project report - School of Education - Faculty of Humanities / This research report focuses on educators’ current attitudes, skills and knowledge in relation to democracy in South African education today. The research report also considers what needs to be done to make democracy a reality that informs education as opposed to simply adhering to policy and legislation that speaks of fine ideals but may well have limited impact on the lives of the majority of South Africa’s citizens. I contend that one of the main barriers between democratic theory and practice is ambiguity and the resulting uncertainty and insecurity. I believe that many South Africans, many world citizens in fact, struggle to articulate what democracy actually means. If this grey area is to be addressed and ambiguity defused then educators need to be clear about what it is they are trying to educate learners for. This can only be realised when educators have internalised ‘lived democracy’ and, as a result, feel both an ownership and commitment to democracy as a lived practice.

Thesis (Master of Science)--University of Wisconsin. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. 145-151.

Diploma thesis "Paradigma of Democracy in 20th. century" dissert upon modern theory of democracy. Thesis try to point differences in interpretation of the democracy conception on the basis of four modern theory democracy, which were interpreted in 20th century. Diploma thesis describe these doctrines: theory of competition democracy by J. A. Schumpeter; theory of pluralistic democracy and theory of polyarchy by R. A. Dahl; theory of justice by J. Rawls. At the close of thesis is short comparative analysis based on the main ideas these four democratic theory. Comparative analysis try to demonstrate main differences in the interpretation of democracy idea. It is necessary to understand, that "democracy" ins't exactly single valued definition, but democracy is wide spectrum of various doctrines. These various doctrines have very often divergencies of opinion about democracy. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Direct democracy in the 21st century: challenges and pitfalls Abstract The thesis deals with the position of direct democracy in the 21st century, what are its advantages and disadvantages and problem areas. Before that, it briefly presents why such strong voices calling for direct democracy have been heard in recent years. The first part of the thesis describes the emergence of representative democracy and how this process was influenced by opinions on direct democracy. Furthermore, the reasons for the existence of representative democracy are outlined and the theory behind it is briefly introduced. In its second part, the thesis discusses, in greater detail, the present of representative democracy, what are its advantages and disadvantages and what problems it faces, which quite possibly threaten its very existence. In this part the thesis is based, among other things, on sociological findings, especially in Czech society. These problems largely explain frequent considerations about the implementation of direct democracy. The third part turns its attention to direct democracy exclusively and describes its history, more precisely, important passages from it. It also describes the theoretical foundations of direct democracy, in which the defense of direct democracy by its promoters is hidden to some extent....

Empirical findings about political behaviour cast doubt on prevailing theories of democracy. The overwhelming majority of democratic theories either implicitly or explicitly imply the necessity of widespread public participation. However, this involvement is more frequently referred to as public participation in the democratic process than as popular support. This paper questions if democracy can even be discussed without considering how popular support affects democracy. According to research, a healthy democracy system will give people a bigger say in deciding on the important issues that affect their lives. To react to the needs and views of their populace, democracies all over the world need a more robust democratic theoretic model of democracy measurement, which includes a normative criterion of popular support for democracy. Democracy should be viewed as requiring widespread support in order to be defined as democratic.

The aim of this essay was to study the European Union’s (EU) role as a democracy promoter and its impact on Croatia’s democratization process. Croatia is a candidate country for membership in the EU which creates a possibility for impact and democracy promotion. The aim is met by studying the following questions:  In what way has the EU promoted democracy in Croatia? How did Croatia respond? To what extent has the EU contributed to Croatia’s democratization process?   Croatia is treated as a case study of the EU’s democracy promotion and the method used was qualitative text-analysis. The result of the study shows that the EU has considerably contributed to the consolidation of democracy in Croatia. However the EU’s democracy promotion is characterized by conditionality and Croatia’s interest in becoming a part of the EU has been essential for influence. Finally a discussion of to what extent the EU has contributed to the democratization of Croatia is provided.

One person - one vote; on Election Day in a representative democracy, everyone with the right to vote is equal. However, this occurs in Sweden once every four years. Between those occasions, we cannot be certain that political influence is equal until this has been tested. In this thesis, I will investigate whether Swedish democracy is responding to blue- and white-collar families equally. Do they have equal influence over public policy? And what consequences do the result have for some theories of democracy? With quantitative research, by replicating large parts of the research done by Martin Gilens and his research team, this thesis will be able to test if political influence is equal between these two groups. This allows us to test some of the theories and earlier research conclusions of Swedish democracy. No one, that I am aware of, has published something regarding this type of research in Sweden before. Gilens & Page’s (2014) research found that in the United States, economic elites and interest groups had substantial influence on public policy whereas average citizens had little or none - confirming economic elite domination and biased pluralism theories. By analysing 182 policy proposals, I find no clear proof, but strong indications that white- collar families have more influence on policy-making than blue-collar families. Future research would most likely be able to draw more confident conclusions if there was a greater data sample. If these indications are correct, then this has implications for some theories of American and Swedish democracy.