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Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines illustrated funerary papyri and wooden funerary stelae for information they can provide about the organization of artists in the 21st and 22nd Dynasty. It is an inquiry into the relationship between visual representation on the funerary papyri of the 21st Dynasty and wooden stelae of the 22nd Dynasty. An attempt is made to determine whether it is possible to identify the work of individual artists and workshops involved in producing the illustrated funerary papyri and wooden stelae, and in what way they may be related. This study covers a representative sample of workshops or individuals from around the beginning of the 21st Dynasty to the early 22nd Dynasty. Methodology involved undertaking the research on a descriptive and interpretative/comparative level. Panofsky's (1972: passim) model for describing pictorial works was used to interpret the iconography. The comparisons between the papyri and stelae were based upon a combination of the models developed by Freed (1996: passim) and Niwinski (1989a: passim). These models functioned as a control or corrective in order to formulate an interpretation. It was possible to definitively place 208 manuscripts out of 214 papyri into seven individual workshops. This was based upon their stylistic similarities and corresponding content. Papyri Workshop 1 is comprised of fifty-six manuscripts, and constitutes the largest group. The highest quality manuscripts were produced in this workshop, which was patronized by the high priests of Amun and their families. Papyri Workshop 2 is the smallest group consisting of only seven manuscripts. These two workshops contain the earliest manuscripts, which were generally executed in the Ramesside tradition. Papyri Workshop 3 contains the second largest grouping with fifty-two, and Papyri Workshop 4 consists of eleven. The majority of the members of this workshop belong to a homogenous, almost analogous group, in terms of content and composition. In the twenty-five manuscripts that belong to Papyri Workshop 5, it can be observed that the artists have taken complete liberties with the mass of iconography at their disposal. They have adapted and transformed the existing symbols into new compositions, so that no two manuscripts are alike. Papyri Workshop 6 is comprised of thirty manuscripts, and Papyri Workshop 7 has twenty. As opposed to Workshop 5, these two workshops display an economy of style and execution. They are also generally outlined in black. Furthermore, several subgroups are evident in the workshops, especially those that span many decades, such as Papyri Workshop 1 and 3.From a comprehensive examination of 103 stelae, it was possible to group 100 stelae into nine workshops. It is important to note that Stelae Workshop 1 is, in fact, linked to Papyri Workshop 1, to which thirteen stelae can be attributed. The stelae contain the same attributes and style of execution as the papyri. Stelae Workshop 2 consists of fifteen stelae, these are skilfully executed, and appear to be custom-made for the deceased. Workshop 3 comprises of fourteen stelae. Stelae Workshop 4 contains five, and Workshop 5 has nine. In contrast to Stelae Workshop 1, the principal representations within the stelae from Stelae Workshops 2 to 5 are generally standardized in form and format. Stelae Workshop 6 has six, while 7 and 8 are the two largest workshops with sixteen members each. These three workshops represent a general degradation of proficiency, culminating in a provincial folk-art quality of Stelae Workshop 7 and 8. Stelae Workshop 8 represents the final transition in style and format to the stelae of the Late Period. Stelae Workshop 9 is comprised of five stelae. The style of execution corresponds to the first phase of the Late Period stelae style. It is possible to observe the hand/s of individual artists or a master and student in the study selection, even within one workshop. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek ge"illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae met die oog op die inligting wat hulle oor die kunstenaarsorganisasie in die 21ste en 22ste dinastie kan verskaf. Die navorsing ondersoek die verband tussen visuele afbeeldings op die begrafnispapiri van die 21ste dinastie en hout stelae van die 22ste dinastie. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of dit moontlik is om die werk van individuele kunstenaars en "werkswinkels" wat by die totstandkoming van die ge'illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae betrokke was, asook die wyse waarop hulle moontlik verwant is, te identifiseer. Die navorsing dek 'n verteenwoordigende korpus van die werkswinkels of individue uit die tydperk van die begin van die 21ste dinastie tot die vroee 22ste dinastie. Die metodologie het navorsing op 'n deskriptiewe en interpretatiewe! vergelykende vlak behels. Panofsky (1972: passim) se model vir die beskrywing van kunswerke is gebruik om die ikonografie te interpreteer. Die vergelykings tussen die papiri en die stelae is gebaseer op 'n kombinasie van die modelle wat deur Freed (1996: passim) en Niwinski (1989a: passim) ontwikkel is. Hierdie modelle het as 'n kontrole of korrektief gedien vir die formulering van 'n interpretasie. Dit was moontlik om 208 manuskripte uit 214 papiri met sekerheid in sewe individuele "werkswinkels" in te dee!. Die indeling is gebaseer op die stilistiese ooreenkomste en ooreenstemming in die inhoud. Papiruswerkswinkel 1 bestaan uit 56 manuskripte, en maak die grootste groep uit. Die hoogste gehalte manuskripte het in hierdie werkswinkel ontstaan en kan met die hoepriesters van Amun en hulle gesinne verbind word. Werkswinkel 2 is die kleinste groepie en bestaan uit net sewe manuskripte. Hierdie twee werkswinkels bevat die vroegste manuskripte. Papiruswerkswinkel 3 bevat die tweede grootste groepering met 52 manuskripte, en Papiruswerkswinkel 4 bestaan uit 11. Die meerderheid van die manuskripte van hierdie werkswinkel behoort aan 'n homogene, byna analoe groep, wat betref inhoud en samestelling. Uit die 25 manuskripte wat aan Papiriwerkswinkel 5 behoort, is dit duidelik dat die kunstenaars hulle vryhede veroorloof het met die massa ikonografiee tot hulle beskikking. Hulle het die bestaande simbole aangepas en tot nuwe komposisies verander, sod at nie twee manuskripte dieselfde is nie. Papiruswerkswinkel 6 en 7 is saamgestel uit onderskeidelik 30 en 20. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 5 vertoon hierdie twee werkswinkels 'n "ekonomie" van styl en uitbeelding. Hulle het ook oor die algemeen 'n swart buitelyn. Daarbenewens is dit duidelik dat daar verskeie subgroepein die werkswinkels is, in die besonder die wat oor baie dekades strek, 5005 Papiruswerkswinkels 1 en 3. Uit 'n omvattende ondersoek van 103 stelae was dit moontlik om 100 stelae in nege werkswinkels te groepeer. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat Werkswinkel 1 in werklikheid met Papiruswerkswinkel 1, waaraan 13 stelae toegeskryf kan word, verbind kan word. Die stelae vertoon dieselfde kenmerke en styl as die papiri. Werkswinkel 2 bestaan uit 15 stelae wat kunstig gemaak is en wat Iyk asof hulle op bestelling vir die oorledenes vervaardig is. Werkswinkel 3 bestaan uit 14 stelae. Werkswinkel 4 bevat vyf, en in Werkswinkel 5 is daar nege. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 1 is die belangrikste afbeeldings by die stelae in Werkswinkels 2 tot 5 meestal gestandaardiseer wat betref vorm en formaat. Werkswinkel 6 het ses, terwyl 7 en 8 die twee grootste werkswinkels is met 16 stelae elk. Hierdie drie werkswinkels verteenwoordig 'n algemene degradering van vakmanskap, wat daartoe lei dat die gehalte van Werkswinkels 7 en 8 die is van 'n "provinsiale volkskuns". Werkswinkel 8 verteenwoordig die finale oorgang in styl en formaat na die stelae van die Laattyd. Werkswinkel 9 bestaan uit vyf items. Die sty I stem ooreen met die eerste fase van die styl van die stelae uit die Laattyd. Die studie toon aan dat dit wei moontlik is om die hand(e) van individuele kunstenaars of 'n meester en sy student te onderskei, selfs binne net een werkswinkel.

This study analyzes the accommodation strategies of Arabic-speaking Sudanese immigrants to Cairo toward the dominant Cairene Arabic variety. Accepted wisdom across much of variationist sociolinguistics views phonology in dialect contact scenarios as highly mutable and readily altered, while imputing to morphology a far greater degree of “staying power;” however, analysis of the Cairo-based fieldwork reveals a situation in which speakers freely accommodate to morphological forms, while adapting in only minimal and restricted ways to phonological differences. This finding, discussed in relation to both structural and social motivating factors, has the potential to inform conceptions of both the synchronic mechanics of dialect interaction and diachronic understandings of inheritance and stability across linguistic domains. / text

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Thesis advisor: ALI BANUAZIZI / How can one think of the possibility of emergence of democracy in non-Western countries? Such an idea had been approached in pessimism for a long time in academia. This is because the conditions deemed indispensable for democratic development (such as high rates of urbanization and literacy) rarely existed in those countries. Thus, the concept “Western democracy” was considered an oxymoron, since, according to earlier scholars of democracy, only Western polities could meet the conditions/prerequisites for the genesis of democracy. Nevertheless, this long-held prophecy was challenged as non-Western countries demonstrated significant progress towards establishing a democratic rule, despite having “so-called” unfavorable conditions (such as religion or poor economic performance) to democratic development. Despite this global resurgence of democratic governance, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa were never able to develop a democratic rule, a situation that has long been explained by pointing at the “exceptional” characteristics (primarily Islam) inherent in the region. Yet, the events that began on December 17, 2010 in Tunisia opened up the possibility for the countries that had been long-ruled by autocrats to embark on a democratic transition. The uprisings that eventually unseated longtime authoritarian rulers (only occurred in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya) enabled divergent socio-political forces to become involved in transitional processes in the aftermath of regime breakdowns. However, only the first two cases had meaningful steps that were taken towards sustaining the transition. This research has been built on the argument that four key factors have played important roles in transitional processes of these two cases, namely Tunisia (the transition to a democratic governance) and Egypt (the restoration of a new form of authoritarianism): the formation of the state, pact-making compromises among revolutionary actors, moderation of religious parties, and civil society activism. In addition to explaining the divergence in these two countries’ transitional processes, this research has been written in response to the prolonged pessimism that the regimes in the region are destined to stay non-democratic. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Middle Eastern Studies.

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Egypt faced three central pressures to introduce its own competition law in 2005: first, EU/Egypt trade relations, second, introduction of the 1991 privatisation programme and third, its long-term desire by virtue of its Constitution to follow Islamic principles that condemn monopoly. However, Egypt was not forced to transplant EU rules as a result of EU/Egypt trade relations, although it is implicit that the EU deems it desirable to do so. By employing the functional method of comparative law for the purposes of the study on EU, Islamic, and Egyptian laws, the central argument of this thesis is that the Egyptian treatment of abuse of dominance is distinctive in three ways. First, Egyptian rules do not prohibit the practice of excessive pricing. Although in jurisdictions that prohibit it, most notably the EU system, competition authorities do not contemplate it as an investigation priority, it is argued that the lack of its prohibition raises Islamic law concerns and may lead to potential effects on the Egyptian economy. However, the difficulties which investigators face in settling such practice (as the South African Mittal case demonstrates) suggest that the Egyptian legislator may have adopted the right approach not to prohibit it; otherwise, this may have increased the likelihood of committing type II errors and, as a result, violate Islamic law principles of injustice. Second, in contrast with EU law, Egyptian rules do not cover the practice of below-cost margin squeeze. Although it is argued that its omission does not pose potential effects to the economy, it is suggested that it raises Islamic law concerns on the basis of fairness and intentions principles. Given that it is relatively easier to investigate, compared to excessive pricing, it is suggested that the Egyptian legislator should re-consider encompassing it in the future while drawing on the approach adopted in EU law. Third, the Egyptian Competition Law reflects the EU Commission‘s initiative of employing an effects-based approach to abuse of dominance. However, the Egyptian system, arguably influenced by the Islamic principles on market intervention, goes a little further to require an actual effects standard. Despite an effects-based analysis being difficult to employ in emerging economies with inadequate economic expertise like Egypt, it is argued in its favour for two reasons. First, it increases the chances of avoiding type II errors, which, similar to excessive pricing and margin squeeze, violate Islamic law and; second, the Egyptian Competition Authority‘s analysis in the Steel study shows that it is capable of employing this approach at this stage. For the purposes of re-considering the foregoing (gaps) in the future, the Egyptian Competition Authority should focus on increasing economic expertise and seek technical assistance from competition authorities of the developed world.

Late Antiquity and the associated rise of Christianity in the Roman Empire are often thought to be fraught with violence and radical change. This understanding has recently become more nuanced, and we now understand that the period was a dynamic one, involving both continuity and change. Similarly, with respect to women, it is now thought that the rise of Christianity brought with it sweeping changes, for example, in standards of morality and sexuality, but also firm continuity, for example, in law. Throughout previous centuries, the experiences of these women have been seen primarily through the lens of Christian literature, such as homilies, Church histories, and saints’ lives. As a result, the picture of an early Christian woman was a highly idealized one, of a submissive and subservient wife whose place was in the home and who was considered an image of retained guilt and an object of sexual temptation to the men around her. Since these sources are highly ideological, such a representation is less than reliable. Using legal and documentary sources, therefore, which are inherently less ideological than literary sources, this thesis analyzes the areas of continuity and change in the lives of early Christian Egyptian women in order to assess the evolution of their roles, rights, and responsibilities to understand what effect the rise of Christianity had on their day-to-day lives. That is to say, this thesis aims to answer the question: Did the rise of Christianity actually affect or change the rights or status of women in Late Antique Egypt? The thesis concludes, on the basis of the mentioned sources that early Christianity affected little meaningful change on the rights and status of women in Late Antique Egypt, but that the situation is far more complex than the normative literature suggests. Some change can be seen in understandings of sexuality, particularly in the Christian emphasis on virginity, but this change is not inherently gendered. Beyond this, there is overwhelming evidence for continuity.