In addition to temple rituals performed for the god by the king, festivals incorporated a broader domain, where a wider public had access to the divine. The participants in feasts ranged from the royal, officials and priests to the non-elite and the dead. Theoretically and ideologically, individuals would have received fruits of the divine power through the king by taking part in celebrations to variable extent. This functioned a vehicle for the god and the king to maintain their authoritative credibility and, by extension, the world order. The circulation of the divine force formed a different appearance at each festival, such as material supplies, promotions, and juridical decrees. These divine conveyances would have more or less met people’s social and religious needs. By embracing modality, periodicity, and publicness, festivals provided participants and audiences with a public setting and a formal means, whereby they were able to seek their identity as part of society. This may or may not have been relevant to personal piety, allegiance, responsibilities, and goodness, but public celebrations at least brought the king’s subjects together to common grounds for official beliefs and social decorum. In order to demonstrate such socio-religious functions of festivals, I will attempt to focus on and examine three Theban celebrations in the New Kingdom, namely, the Festivals of Opet, the Valley, and the New Year, about which a wealth of information has survived. The examination can hardly be possible without exploring the history of these feasts because their development from earlier times, to which part of this thesis is also devoted, shows the continuity of elements essential to Egyptian cult practices, particularly those associated with the mortuary cult.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rise of Ancient Egyptian civilization by the end of the fourth millennium BC was essentially a religious process. The civilization developed from a religious core that was formed by and in the Nile valley. Metaphors were drawn from the context of the Nile to represent deities. In different epochs and at different places, creation myths attempted explaining the mystery of the origin of god and man. According to these myths, both god and man were created by a primal being after it had brought itself into being. In an attempt to depict different facets of deities, various metaphors were used. One and the same god could be represented as a human and as an animal. Nonetheless, all deities possessed human features and all functioned in human structures. In the primal state mankind and the gods coexisted in harmony. When man rebelled this harmony was shattered, and the gods left the world of man. After the gods had left earth they could be approached only by a mediator. The role of mediator was played by the pharaoh. It was the pharaoh's mission to maintain the order on earth that had been present since creation. Inthe office as high priest of all cults it was incumbent on the pharaoh to keep the gods satisfied by ensuring them of the maintenance of Ma'at. In this the pharaoh as god-king was assisted by a hierarchy of priests who performed cult rituals in temples and sacrificed to the gods. To a great extent, ordinary people were excluded from formal religion and resorted to popular or demotic religion. The dominant role of artefacts in death and grave rituals does not signify an obsession with death. All rituals and artefacts were involved in maintaining life after death, and the afterlife was something that Ancient Egyptians implicitly believed in. Admission to life after death required a morally sound and just life, which was determined in the judgement ceremony when the deeds of the deceased were placed on a scale weighted with the feather of Ma'at. Religion, with the pharaoh at its centre, permeated every aspect of daily life in Ancient Egypt. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms van die Antieke Egiptiese beskawing teen die einde van die vierde millennium vC was essensieel 'n godsdienstige proses. Die beskawing het rondom 'n godsdiens ontwikkel wat sy skering en inslag in die vrugbare Nylvallei gehad het. Metafore uit die Nylkonteks is gebruik om die godedom te vergestalt. Skeppingsmites het op verskillende tye en op verskillende plekke 'n verklaring van die ontstaansgeheim van gode en mense probeer gee. Hiervolgens is alle gode en mense deur 'n oerwese geskape nadat hierdie oerwese homself tot stand gebring het. In 'n poging om die verskillende fasette van gode uit te beeld, is verskillende metafore gebruik; dieselfde god kon vergestalt word as mens en/of dier. Tog het alle gode menslike eienskappe gehad en het hulle almal in menslike strukture gefunksioneer. In die oerstaat sou mense en gode in harmonie saamleef. Toe die mens in opstand gekom het, is hierdie harmonie versteur, en die gode het die wêreld van die mensdom verlaat. Nadat die gode die aarde verlaat het, kon hulle net deur 'n middelaar bereik word. Die rol van middelaar is ingeneem deur die farao. Dit was die opdrag van die farao om die orde wat van die skepping af teenwoordig was, op aarde te handhaaf. In sy amp as hoëpriester van alle kultusse moes die farao daagliks die gode tevrede hou deur hulle van die instandhouding van Ma'at te verseker. Hierin is hy as godkoning bygestaan deur 'n hiërargie van priesters wat in tempels kultusrituele uitgevoer en offers aan die gode gebring het. Die gewone mens is in 'n groot mate uitgesluit van formele godsdiens en het 'n heenkome in volksgodsdiens gevind. Die dominante rol wat artefakte rondom die dood en grafrituele speel, het geensins gedui op 'n beheptheid met die dood nie. Alle rituele en toerusting is gerig op die instandhouding van die lewe na die dood, waaraan die Antieke Egiptenaar onwrikbaar geglo het. Toetrede tot die lewe na die dood het 'n moreel regverdige lewe vereis en is bepaal by die oordeelseremonie wanneer die afgestorwene se dade op 'n skaal teenoor die veer van Ma'at geweeg is. Elke aspek van die daaglikse lewe in Antieke Egipte is geraak en bepaal deur die besondere rol van die godsdiens en die farao as hoofrolspeler in die godsdiens.

O Trabalho ora apresentado, analisa a relação entre o exercício da justiça e a prática da religião em Israel, objetivando evidenciar o que existe de comum e de particular entre as duas instituições. Examina a noção de justiça, pedra angular da vida pública e da teologia judaica, que é expressa em todos os mandamentos, na literatura rabínica, no aspecto ontológico do ser judeu, exigindo do homem um comportamento digno em todas as ações e circunstâncias da vida. Na história da humanidade, o conceito de justiça antecede a idéia da ciência do direito. Toda a Bíblia é permeada pela realidade da justiça colocada em prática pelo homem e por Deus: justiça humana, justiça divina. A Bíblia ensina que é através da revelação da justiça que encontramos um dos aspectos essenciais da relação entre Deus e o homem. A justiça de Israel se une à justiça de Deus na concretude da sua história. Quer seja de Deus, quer seja de Israel, a justiça já não se identifica com um simples sistema judiciário para regular e dirimir conflitos de interesses, pois, a realidade da aliança impõe o seu próprio código de justiça a cada uma das partes envolvidas na questão. No contexto bíblico, a justiça evoca a santidade, a adesão a Deus; o conceito de justiça é identificado com o conceito de perfeição, santidade; por isto, o perfeito, o santo é justo. Iahweh, revela-se como rei-justo de Israel, como Deusjusto Por fim, este trabalho apresenta um conjunto das leis hebraicas, estabelecendo vinculação entre o elemento sagrado e a justiça humana / The Work, here presented analysises the relation between justices exercise and Religions practice, in Israel, aiming at demonstrating which can be found out what there is in common about and what is different between these two Institutions. It investigates, examines the notion regarding to justice, Public life and Jewish theology cornerstone, which is expressed, present in all commandments, in the rabbinical literature, in the being Jewish ontological aspect, demanding from man a worthwhile behaviour in all whole life actions and circumstances, situations. In Humanitys History, Justice concept precedes Science of Law idea. The whole Bible is pervaded by, through Justices reality, put into practice by man and by God: human Justice, Divine justice. Bible teaches that it is, through the revelation regarding to that one we find out one of the most essential aspects of the rapport between God and man. justice in Israel Israels justice is bound up, tied to Gods justice, in its Israels History concreteness. Either Gods One justice either Israels one, justice is no more identified with a mere, simple Judiciary System in order to rule and to nullify conflict regarding to interests, for Alliance reality inflict, imposes justices itself, own code to each one of the parts, enveloped in the question, in the pledge. In the biblical context, justice concept implies, evokes sanctity, holiness, adhesion to God; the concept regarding to justice is identified with the perfection that one, Sanctity, holiness; therefore, the perfect one, the holly one is just. Yahweh reveals Him self as Israels just-King, as just-God At last, finally, this Work presents, points out a Jewish Laws body, assemblage and aims at enlightening the vinculation, the bond between the sacred element and justice

Please read the abstract in the section, 10summary / Dissertation (MA (Visual Arts))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Visual Arts / MA / unrestricted

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:12:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_maria_isabel.pdf: 799395 bytes, checksum: 553da0451f9df4d48532b792ff602805 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-25 / The Work, here presented analysises the relation between justice s exercise and Religion s practice, in Israel, aiming at demonstrating which can be found out what there is in common about and what is different between these two Institutions. It investigates, examines the notion regarding to justice, Public life and Jewish theology cornerstone, which is expressed, present in all commandments, in the rabbinical literature, in the being Jewish ontological aspect, demanding from man a worthwhile behaviour in all whole life actions and circumstances, situations. In Humanity s History, Justice concept precedes Science of Law idea. The whole Bible is pervaded by, through Justice s reality, put into practice by man and by God: human Justice, Divine justice. Bible teaches that it is, through the revelation regarding to that one we find out one of the most essential aspects of the rapport between God and man. justice in Israel Israel s justice is bound up, tied to God s justice, in its Israel s History concreteness. Either God s One justice either Israel s one, justice is no more identified with a mere, simple Judiciary System in order to rule and to nullify conflict regarding to interests, for Alliance reality inflict, imposes justice s itself, own code to each one of the parts, enveloped in the question, in the pledge. In the biblical context, justice concept implies, evokes sanctity, holiness, adhesion to God; the concept regarding to justice is identified with the perfection that one, Sanctity, holiness; therefore, the perfect one, the holly one is just. Yahweh reveals Him self as Israel s just-King, as just-God At last, finally, this Work presents, points out a Jewish Laws body, assemblage and aims at enlightening the vinculation, the bond between the sacred element and justice / O Trabalho ora apresentado, analisa a relação entre o exercício da justiça e a prática da religião em Israel, objetivando evidenciar o que existe de comum e de particular entre as duas instituições. Examina a noção de justiça, pedra angular da vida pública e da teologia judaica, que é expressa em todos os mandamentos, na literatura rabínica, no aspecto ontológico do ser judeu , exigindo do homem um comportamento digno em todas as ações e circunstâncias da vida. Na história da humanidade, o conceito de justiça antecede a idéia da ciência do direito. Toda a Bíblia é permeada pela realidade da justiça colocada em prática pelo homem e por Deus: justiça humana, justiça divina. A Bíblia ensina que é através da revelação da justiça que encontramos um dos aspectos essenciais da relação entre Deus e o homem. A justiça de Israel se une à justiça de Deus na concretude da sua história. Quer seja de Deus, quer seja de Israel, a justiça já não se identifica com um simples sistema judiciário para regular e dirimir conflitos de interesses, pois, a realidade da aliança impõe o seu próprio código de justiça a cada uma das partes envolvidas na questão. No contexto bíblico, a justiça evoca a santidade, a adesão a Deus; o conceito de justiça é identificado com o conceito de perfeição, santidade; por isto, o perfeito, o santo é justo. Iahweh, revela-se como rei-justo de Israel, como Deusjusto Por fim, este trabalho apresenta um conjunto das leis hebraicas, estabelecendo vinculação entre o elemento sagrado e a justiça humana

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis sets out to examine, as far as possible within the constraints of a limited study, the nature of the Christianity professed in the first centuries of the Common Era, by means of an historical examination of Egyptian Christianity. The thesis contends that the believers in Christ's teachings, in the first century, were predominantly Jewish, that "Christianity" did not exist as a developed separate religion until its first formal systematizations commenced in the second century, through the prolific writings of the Alexandrians, Clement and Origen. It is noted that the name "Christianity" itself was coined for the first time in the second century by Ignatius of Antioch; and that until the fourth century it is more accurate to speak of many Christianities in view of regional-cultural and interpretative differences where the religion took root. The study examines the main religions of the world in which the new religion began to establish itself, and against which it had to contend for its very survival. Many elements of these religions influenced the rituals and formulation of the new religion and are traced through ancient Egyptian religion, the Isis and Serapis cults, Judaism, Gnosticism and Hermeticism. Alexandria, as the intellectual matrix of the Graeco-Roman world, was the key centre in which the new religion was formally developed. The thesis argues, therefore, that despite the obscurity of earliest Christianity in view of the dearth of extant sources, the emergent religion was significantly Egyptian in formulation, legacy and influence in the world of Late Antiquity. It is argued, in conclusion, that the politics of the West in making Christianity the official religion of the empire, thus centring it henceforth in Rome, effectively effaced the Egyptian roots. In line with current major research into the earliest centuries of Christianity, the thesis contends that while Jerusalem was the spring of the new religion Alexandria, and Egypt as a whole, formed a vital tributary of the river of Christianity which was to flow through the whole world. It is argued that without the Egyptian branch, Christianity would have been a different phenomenon to what it later became. The legacy of Egyptian Christianity is not only of singular importance in the development of Christianity but, attracting as it does the continued interest of current researchers in the historical, papyrological and archaeological fields, it holds also considerable significance for the study of the history of religions in general, and Christianity in particular. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die proefskrif poog om, insover moontlik binne beperkte skopus, die aard van die vroeë Christendom gedurende die eerste eeue V.C. te ondersoek, deur middel van 'n historiese ondersoek van die Egiptiese Christendom. Die tesis voer aan dat die vroegste Christelike gelowiges in die eerste eeu N.C. grootendeels Joods was, en dat die Christendom as afsonderlike godsdiens nie ontstaan het nie voor die formele sistematiseringe wat deur die Aleksandryne Clemens en Origines aangebring is nie. Selfs die term Christendom is vir die eerste keer in die tweede eeu n.C. deur Ignatius van Antiochië versin; daar word verder opgemerk dat voor die vierde eeu dit meer akkuraat is om van veelvuldige Christelike groepe te praat. Die studie ondersoek die vernaamste godsdienste van die milieu waarin die nuwe godsdiens wortel geskied het, en waarteen dit om sy oorlewing moes stry. Baie invloede van die godsdienste is uitgeoefen op die rites en die daarstelling van die nuwe godsdiens, en kan herlei word na die antieke Egiptiese godsdiens, die kultusse van Isis en Serapis, Judaïsme, Gnostisisme en Hermetisme. Aleksandrië, die intellektuele matriks van die Grieks-Romeinse wêreld, was die hoof-sentrum waarin die nuwe godsdiens formeelontwikkel het. Die tesis toon daarom aan dat ten spyte van die onbekendheid van die vroegste Christendom, wat te wyte is aan die tekort aan bronne, die opkomende godsdiens in die Laat Antieke wêreld opvallend Egipties van aard was in formulering, invloed en erfenis. Ten slotte word daar aangevoer dat die politiek van die Weste wat die Christendom as amptelike godsdiens van die ryk gemaak het, en wat dit vervolgens dus in Rome laat konsentreer het, die Egiptiese oorspronge van die godsdiens feitlik uitgewis het. In samehang met kontemporêre belangrike navorsing op die gebied van die Christendom se vroegste eeue, argumenteer die tesis dat terwyl Jerusalem wel die bron van die nuwe godsdiens was, Aleksandrië, en Egipte as geheel, 'n deurslaggewende sytak was van die rivier van die Christendom wat uiteindelik deur die ganse wêreld sou vloei. Daar word aangetoon dat sonder die Egiptiese tak, die Christendom 'n heel ander verskynsel sou gewees het in vergelyking met sy latere formaat. Die erfenis van die Egiptiese Christendom is nie alleen van die grootste belang vir die ontwikkeling van die Christendom nie, maar 'n nalatenskap wat die voortgesette aandag van navorsers op historiese, papirologiese en argeologiese gebiede vra, en is daarom van groot belang vir die studie van die geskiedenis van godsdienste in die algemeen, en die Christendom in die besonder.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of Ma'at is crucial to Ancient Egyptian culture. In Ancient Egypt, Ma'at has two closely related manifestations: the cultural principle and the goddess. Ma'at as general cultural principle relates to the perfect order that was present at the moment when the cosmos came into being. This order eliminated chaos and created perfect balance in every aspect of the cosmos: nature, mankind, the gods, life and death. According to Ancient Egyptian literature, people ordered their lives in terms of the principle to do Ma 'at. This principle amounted to living honestly and justly. In this way, order was maintained and chaos prevented. In religion, which should be considered a subdomain of culture, Ma'at functions as an Ancient Egyptian goddess. As a goddess, Ma'at was considered a being in her own right, with a characteristic appearance, a history, and a cult which was performed by the pharaoh and the priests. Though the conception ofMa'at developed considerably in the long history of Ancient Egypt, the idea was present at the beginning of Egyptian civilization, as is attested by a great variety of inscriptions. The concept played a significant role in this culture from beginning to end. Ma'at was of particular importance to Ancient Egyptian royalty. Royal office included the realization of Ma'at and the consequent destruction ofIsfet. This function was performed by the pharaoh as chief of all cults - by daily sacrifice for Ma'at --, as well as in his role as ruler - by ensuring that public office was performed according to the principle ofMa'at. The Ancient Egyptians maintained that Ma'at functioned not only in life but also in death. In the alternative reality that Ancient Egypt made of death, order obtained, just as in life. Hence Ma' at was present also in death. The essence of Ancient Egypt is not its structures, such as the pyramids, which never cease to fascinate. This essence has to be sought in the way Ma'at gave unity to this remarkable culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die begrip Ma'at is rigtinggewend vir die kultuur van Antieke Egipte. In hierdie kultuur het Ma'at twee verskyningsvorme wat ten nouste met mekaar saamhang: die kultuurbeginsel en die godin. Ma'at as algemene kultuurbeginsel het te doen met die volmaakte orde wat tot stand gekom het in die ontstaansoomblik van die kosmos. Hierdie orde hef chaos en wanorde op en skep volkome ewewig in elke aspek van die kosmos: die natuur, die mensdom, die godedom, die lewe en die dood. Die Antieke Egiptiese literatuur bring aan die lig dat mense hulle lewe ingerig het volgens die beginsel om Ma'at te doen. Waarop dit neergekom het om Ma'at te doen, was om eerlik en regverdig te handel. Op hierdie manier is die orde bewaar en die chaos verhoed. Op die terrein van die religie, wat as 'n besondere aspek van die kultuur in die breë beskou moet word, funksioneer Ma'at in Antieke Egipte as 'n godin. Hierdie godin was 'n veronderstelde wese in eie reg, met 'n kenmerkende voorkoms, 'n geskiedenis, en 'n kultus wat deur die farao en die priesters bedien is. Hoewel die siening van Ma'at in die loop van die lang geskiedenis van Antieke Egipte aansienlik ontwikkel het, was die idee van die begin van die Egiptiese beskawing aanwesig, soos 'n groot verskeidenheid inskripsies laat blyk. Die begrip het in hierdie kultuur van begin tot end 'n bepalende rol bly speel. Tussen Ma'at en die koningskap in Antieke Egipte was daar 'n besonder nou band. Ma'at was van wesenlike belang vir die uitvoering van die koninklike amp: dit was die opdrag van die farao om Ma'at te verwesenlik en daarmee Isfet te vernietig. Hierdie taak het die farao uitgevoer as hoof van alle kultusse -- deur die daaglikse offer wat hy in die belang van Ma'at gebring het --, maar ook in die staatsadministrasie -- deur toe te sien dat amptenare hulle werk doen volgens die beginsel van Ma'at. In Antieke Egipte is daarvan uitgegaan dat Ma'at nie net in die lewe nie, maar ook in die dood funksioneer. In die alternatiewe werklikheid wat Antieke Egiptenare van die dood maak, heers daar ook orde. Ma'at is dus ook daar teenwoordig. Die wese van Antieke Egipte is nie die strukture, soos die piramides, wat nou nog die belangstelling gaande maak nie. Dit moet veel eerder gesoek word in die wyse waarop Ma'at eenheid aan hierdie merkwaardige kultuur gegee het.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines illustrated funerary papyri and wooden funerary stelae for information they can provide about the organization of artists in the 21st and 22nd Dynasty. It is an inquiry into the relationship between visual representation on the funerary papyri of the 21st Dynasty and wooden stelae of the 22nd Dynasty. An attempt is made to determine whether it is possible to identify the work of individual artists and workshops involved in producing the illustrated funerary papyri and wooden stelae, and in what way they may be related. This study covers a representative sample of workshops or individuals from around the beginning of the 21st Dynasty to the early 22nd Dynasty. Methodology involved undertaking the research on a descriptive and interpretative/comparative level. Panofsky's (1972: passim) model for describing pictorial works was used to interpret the iconography. The comparisons between the papyri and stelae were based upon a combination of the models developed by Freed (1996: passim) and Niwinski (1989a: passim). These models functioned as a control or corrective in order to formulate an interpretation. It was possible to definitively place 208 manuscripts out of 214 papyri into seven individual workshops. This was based upon their stylistic similarities and corresponding content. Papyri Workshop 1 is comprised of fifty-six manuscripts, and constitutes the largest group. The highest quality manuscripts were produced in this workshop, which was patronized by the high priests of Amun and their families. Papyri Workshop 2 is the smallest group consisting of only seven manuscripts. These two workshops contain the earliest manuscripts, which were generally executed in the Ramesside tradition. Papyri Workshop 3 contains the second largest grouping with fifty-two, and Papyri Workshop 4 consists of eleven. The majority of the members of this workshop belong to a homogenous, almost analogous group, in terms of content and composition. In the twenty-five manuscripts that belong to Papyri Workshop 5, it can be observed that the artists have taken complete liberties with the mass of iconography at their disposal. They have adapted and transformed the existing symbols into new compositions, so that no two manuscripts are alike. Papyri Workshop 6 is comprised of thirty manuscripts, and Papyri Workshop 7 has twenty. As opposed to Workshop 5, these two workshops display an economy of style and execution. They are also generally outlined in black. Furthermore, several subgroups are evident in the workshops, especially those that span many decades, such as Papyri Workshop 1 and 3.From a comprehensive examination of 103 stelae, it was possible to group 100 stelae into nine workshops. It is important to note that Stelae Workshop 1 is, in fact, linked to Papyri Workshop 1, to which thirteen stelae can be attributed. The stelae contain the same attributes and style of execution as the papyri. Stelae Workshop 2 consists of fifteen stelae, these are skilfully executed, and appear to be custom-made for the deceased. Workshop 3 comprises of fourteen stelae. Stelae Workshop 4 contains five, and Workshop 5 has nine. In contrast to Stelae Workshop 1, the principal representations within the stelae from Stelae Workshops 2 to 5 are generally standardized in form and format. Stelae Workshop 6 has six, while 7 and 8 are the two largest workshops with sixteen members each. These three workshops represent a general degradation of proficiency, culminating in a provincial folk-art quality of Stelae Workshop 7 and 8. Stelae Workshop 8 represents the final transition in style and format to the stelae of the Late Period. Stelae Workshop 9 is comprised of five stelae. The style of execution corresponds to the first phase of the Late Period stelae style. It is possible to observe the hand/s of individual artists or a master and student in the study selection, even within one workshop. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek ge"illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae met die oog op die inligting wat hulle oor die kunstenaarsorganisasie in die 21ste en 22ste dinastie kan verskaf. Die navorsing ondersoek die verband tussen visuele afbeeldings op die begrafnispapiri van die 21ste dinastie en hout stelae van die 22ste dinastie. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of dit moontlik is om die werk van individuele kunstenaars en "werkswinkels" wat by die totstandkoming van die ge'illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae betrokke was, asook die wyse waarop hulle moontlik verwant is, te identifiseer. Die navorsing dek 'n verteenwoordigende korpus van die werkswinkels of individue uit die tydperk van die begin van die 21ste dinastie tot die vroee 22ste dinastie. Die metodologie het navorsing op 'n deskriptiewe en interpretatiewe! vergelykende vlak behels. Panofsky (1972: passim) se model vir die beskrywing van kunswerke is gebruik om die ikonografie te interpreteer. Die vergelykings tussen die papiri en die stelae is gebaseer op 'n kombinasie van die modelle wat deur Freed (1996: passim) en Niwinski (1989a: passim) ontwikkel is. Hierdie modelle het as 'n kontrole of korrektief gedien vir die formulering van 'n interpretasie. Dit was moontlik om 208 manuskripte uit 214 papiri met sekerheid in sewe individuele "werkswinkels" in te dee!. Die indeling is gebaseer op die stilistiese ooreenkomste en ooreenstemming in die inhoud. Papiruswerkswinkel 1 bestaan uit 56 manuskripte, en maak die grootste groep uit. Die hoogste gehalte manuskripte het in hierdie werkswinkel ontstaan en kan met die hoepriesters van Amun en hulle gesinne verbind word. Werkswinkel 2 is die kleinste groepie en bestaan uit net sewe manuskripte. Hierdie twee werkswinkels bevat die vroegste manuskripte. Papiruswerkswinkel 3 bevat die tweede grootste groepering met 52 manuskripte, en Papiruswerkswinkel 4 bestaan uit 11. Die meerderheid van die manuskripte van hierdie werkswinkel behoort aan 'n homogene, byna analoe groep, wat betref inhoud en samestelling. Uit die 25 manuskripte wat aan Papiriwerkswinkel 5 behoort, is dit duidelik dat die kunstenaars hulle vryhede veroorloof het met die massa ikonografiee tot hulle beskikking. Hulle het die bestaande simbole aangepas en tot nuwe komposisies verander, sod at nie twee manuskripte dieselfde is nie. Papiruswerkswinkel 6 en 7 is saamgestel uit onderskeidelik 30 en 20. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 5 vertoon hierdie twee werkswinkels 'n "ekonomie" van styl en uitbeelding. Hulle het ook oor die algemeen 'n swart buitelyn. Daarbenewens is dit duidelik dat daar verskeie subgroepein die werkswinkels is, in die besonder die wat oor baie dekades strek, 5005 Papiruswerkswinkels 1 en 3. Uit 'n omvattende ondersoek van 103 stelae was dit moontlik om 100 stelae in nege werkswinkels te groepeer. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat Werkswinkel 1 in werklikheid met Papiruswerkswinkel 1, waaraan 13 stelae toegeskryf kan word, verbind kan word. Die stelae vertoon dieselfde kenmerke en styl as die papiri. Werkswinkel 2 bestaan uit 15 stelae wat kunstig gemaak is en wat Iyk asof hulle op bestelling vir die oorledenes vervaardig is. Werkswinkel 3 bestaan uit 14 stelae. Werkswinkel 4 bevat vyf, en in Werkswinkel 5 is daar nege. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 1 is die belangrikste afbeeldings by die stelae in Werkswinkels 2 tot 5 meestal gestandaardiseer wat betref vorm en formaat. Werkswinkel 6 het ses, terwyl 7 en 8 die twee grootste werkswinkels is met 16 stelae elk. Hierdie drie werkswinkels verteenwoordig 'n algemene degradering van vakmanskap, wat daartoe lei dat die gehalte van Werkswinkels 7 en 8 die is van 'n "provinsiale volkskuns". Werkswinkel 8 verteenwoordig die finale oorgang in styl en formaat na die stelae van die Laattyd. Werkswinkel 9 bestaan uit vyf items. Die sty I stem ooreen met die eerste fase van die styl van die stelae uit die Laattyd. Die studie toon aan dat dit wei moontlik is om die hand(e) van individuele kunstenaars of 'n meester en sy student te onderskei, selfs binne net een werkswinkel.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le présent travail a pour objet l’étude des appels aux passants en Égypte ancienne depuis sa naissance durant la IVe dynastie jusqu’à la fin de la période pharaonique. Il s’agit ainsi de déterminer l’identité de cette formule sur trois millénaires, selon deux axes principaux : historique et phraséologique. Un premier point, « Interpeller les vivants », est consacré à la caractérisation des contextes dans lesquels les appels interviennent à travers le temps. On y dresse un panorama par périodes, en évoquant les catégories sociales qui recourent à cette inscription et les lieux de découvertes. La prise en compte des données issues de l’archéologie permet alors de présenter la mise en scène accompagnant le discours. Dans le cadre de la prise de parole du défunt, la rhétorique de l’appel s’étend à l’ensemble du support mémoriel et le decorum est au service de la capatio benevolentiae. La deuxième partie, « Commémorer sur trois millénaires », se propose d’extraire et d’évaluer la part d’historicité à l’œuvre dans la formule. La phraséologie mobilisée dans les appels est d’abord interrogée du point de vue du Sitz im Leben puis en termes d’actions rituelles attendues. Le déroulement des rites envers les défunts fait finalement l’objet d’une proposition de reconstitution se basant sur le contenu des appels. En dernier lieu, « L’appel, expression d’une société solidaire », met en avant la part idéologique de la formule. Par sa composition et les idées véhiculées, l’appel constitue un relais majeur de la Maât sociale, établissant un pont entre les générations, par-delà vie et mort. Les mécanismes humains et l’aspect dogmatique de la formule expliquent son succès et sa longévité. / This Dissertation deals with the so-called “Appeal to the Living Ones” in Ancient Egypt since its beginning during the Fourth Dynasty until the end of the Pharaonic period. The identity of this formula will be sought over three millennia, in two main directions : History and Phrasæology.The first section “ Calling to the Living Ones ” will be devoted to the identification of contexts in which the appeals took place over time. It will provide an overview of the formula sorted by eras, referring to social groups who used it and its places of discovery.The archæological data will help us to survey the staging of the speech of the deceased. It seems indeed that the rhetoric of the appeals extends to the entire memorial. Furthermore, the decorum is involved in the capatio benevolentiae.In the second section, “ Commemorating over three millennia ”, we will extract and prospect the role of historicity at work in the formula. Phrasæology used in the appeals is first examined from the point of view of the Sitz im Leben. Then, we will analyse the ritual actions expected. Finally, we will try to rebuild the ritual sequences towards the dead, based on informations contained in the formula.The last section, “ The appeal, staging of a cohesive society ”, will highlight the ideological part of the formula. The appeal deals mainly with social Maat. It establishes a bridge between generations, beyond life and death. The success and the longevity of the formula seems to be connected to both mundane and ideologic preoccupations.