The Adair Park neighborhood in southwest Atlanta was designed as a residential enclave for working class whites that has evolved to what it is today: an area primarily inhabited by low-income minorities. Many of its residents have worked to preserve the area's distinctive architectural heritage. Low housing values and vacancies have attracted affordable housing developers such as the Atlanta affiliate of Habitat for Humanity. In response to specific plans for the development of affordable housing in the area, members of Adair Park organized themselves to petition the City of Atlanta to adopt architectural standards that preserved the existing housing stock, and ensured that any new construction would be compatible with the neighborhood's architectural character. This study explores the tensions between inner-city communities and affordable housing developers in the quest for affordable and architecturally significant neighborhoods. The conclusions from this research suggest that the desire of predominately low-income neighborhoods to preserve the architecture character of historically significant neighborhoods may be firmly rooted in middle class aspirations and values. Moreover, the conclusions from this research also suggest non-profit housing developers should consider these attitudes prior to constructing affordable housing in predominately low-income neighborhoods.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Oregon, 2003. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-121).

No description available.

Puerto Rico, the smallest island of the Great Antilles , has an area of 3,400 square miles. Its major language is Spanish and it is a Commonwealth of the United States of America. The population is approximately 3.6 millions and historically had an agricultural-based economy. However, today, because of its geographic location and tropical environment , the major economic industry is tourism. Thousands of people visit the island annually to enjoy the natural scenery and experience the rich cultural heritage that it offers.Studies have shown that the majority of tourists stay in the northern part of the island where the main attractions are Old San Juan, El Yunque National Rain Forest, and the Luquillo Beach. There has been limited tourism in the southern region, where a different climatic environment prevails. As a result, a different variety of natural scenery and ecological systems exists. The most popular tourist attractions in the south are: Ponce, the second largest city; San German, the second oldest town; and, the Phosphorescent Bay in Guanica. These towns are located in close proximity to each other and, thus, a need exists to spread tourism to the rest of the southern coast.One strategy to attract tourists to this area is to rehabilitate sugar plantations that are within the region. It is on the southern coast where most of the sugar industry was established, including the two largest ones. Although this industry is presently suffering a recession, at one time it was the country's leading export. This rehabilitation will allow tourists, as well as islanders, the opportunity to experience how the sugar industry used to be. As a paradox, I am proposing a new economic boom via tourism that focuses -on a "once major income producer."Central Aguirre, in the town of Salinas, will be used as a case study for this rehabilitation plan. It is located five miles southwest of the town of Guayama, a district under consideration for listing on the National Register of Historic Places. This center of sugar production used to be the second largest in the country. The complex itself is a miniature town,built in approximately ninety-five acres. It serves as one of the best examples of the physical and social hierarchy established between the owners and the laborers. The factory closed abruptly operations in January 1991. The proposed rehabilitation intend to offers the visitor an interpretation of the way this community used to be. It will provide lodging facilities by the rehabilitation of existing cottages and laborers housing, and hotels. The historic railroad system, which the government is committed to restore, will serve as the major transportation system to the interior of Central Aguirre.The author believes that a country's heritage must be used to promote tourism. But there must be a comprehensive plan that establishes tourist trade as a vehicle for enhancing restoration and protection of historic sites and monuments. This project proposes such a plan. / Department of Architecture

The Cedar Street Historic District, located in Manistee, Michigan, is a neighborhood that has retained many of its historic residences which serve as reminders of the city's heyday. Manistee, Michigan, located on Lake Michigan in the northwestern region of the lower peninsula, had a prosperous past as a major lumber manufacturing city. At the turn of the century, it was the third largest shipping port on the lake next to Milwaukee and Chicago. Manistee residents who made their fortunes in lumber built some of the finest houses in the region. A large majority of thoseresidences are located in the Cedar Street Historic District. Two of the mansions in the neighborhood were designed by the renowned Chicago School architect William LeBaron Jenney; unfortunately, they were razed in the 1920s.The boundaries of the district were determined in a preliminary survey of the architecture of the neighborhood. The survey, combined with the historical account of the area and its residents, shows that the Cedar Street Historic District is an excellent candidate for listing on the National Register of Historic Places. In addition, guidelines are included to show how the character of the district can be maintained.The possibility of the placement of the Cedar Street Historic District on the National Register of Historic Places may create more awareness of the city's additional historical resources. If the other historic businesses, residences, and public buildings in Manistee are surveyed and documented, there may be enough resources to merit the designation of a Multiple Resource Area. This may allow for greater protection of the city's historic properties. / Department of Architecture

Orientador: Arlete Moysés Rodrigues / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:00:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Liguori_FernandaPereira_M.pdf: 7091663 bytes, checksum: 4415355e713e28299545054b05ad5a8d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A intenção deste trabalho foi compreender como o projeto ideológico e prático da revalorização urbana do Centro de São Paulo vem sendo elaborado e materializado no espaço, graças às ações do poder público em parceria com a iniciativa privada. E como um cenário idealizado e desejado pelas elites locais permeia e perpassa o planejamento urbanístico do Estado, a serviço do interesse de proprietários de terra e incorporadores. Em contrapartida, os movimentos sociais lutam em defesa dos interesses e necessidades da coletividade, para manter e permanecer em suas territorialidades, onde o espaço configura-se como campo de sonhos e lutas pelo direito à cidade. A contradição do uso desejado do Centro de São Paulo está no conflito de interesses entre os agentes capitalistas produtores do espaço e do outro a população de baixa renda. De um lado, estão os agentes capitalistas e suas estratégias de transformação do espaço em mercadoria, onde a especulação ativa o valor de troca, fazendo a terra gerar renda e lucro. Do outro lado, está a população de baixa renda, cujas demandas reivindicam o valor de uso, o direito à dignidade da moradia, da infraestrutura urbana, dos serviços públicos de qualidade, do lazer e da cultura. A revalorização urbana do Centro de São Paulo é um processo movido pelos agentes produtores do espaço tipicamente capitalistas e pelo Estado, inspirado em modelos importados, que visa promover a readequação do patrimônio urbano edificado por meio de intervenções urbanas pontuais de embelezamento e readequação das velhas estruturas urbanas à nova ordem econômica, com vistas a atender certas demandas de clientes com maior poder aquisitivo, na busca de soluções pontuais e locais. Os novos usos - o turismo e a cultura - representam no discurso dominante as soluções para o patrimônio degradado e obsoleto de muitos centros históricos, trazendo um novo dinamismo econômico e social para estas regiões na tentativa de reinseri-las no circuito produtivo do capital / Abstract: The purpose of this study was to understand how the ideological and practical design of the revaluation of the urban center of Sao Paulo has been developed and materialized in space, thanks to the actions of the government in partnership with the private sector. And as an idealized scenario and desired by local elites permeates and pervades the urban planning of the state, serving the interests of landowners and developers. In contrast, social movements are fighting to defend the interests and needs of the community to maintain and stay in their territoriality, where space is configured as a field of dreams and struggles for the right to the city. The contradiction of the intended use of the Center of São Paulo is the conflict of interests between the capitalist agents producers of space and other low-income population. On one side are the agents and their strategies for capitalist transformation of the commodity space, speculating where the exchange value, causing the earth to generate income and profit. On the other side is the low income population, whose needs demand the use value, the right to dignity of housing, urban infrastructure, quality of public services, leisure and culture. The revaluation of the urban center of Sao Paulo is a process driven by agents of the space typically capitalist producers and the state, inspired by imported models, which aims to promote the upgrading of urban heritage built through urban interventions specific beautification and upgrading of old structures urban to the new economic order, in order to meet certain demands of customers with higher purchasing power in pursuit of specific and local solutions. New uses - tourism and culture - represent the dominant discourse on solutions for degraded and obsolete assets of many historical centers, bringing a new economic dynamism and social support for these regions in an attempt to reinsert them into the productive circuit of capital / Mestrado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Mestre em Geografia

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

I aim to make explicit the actualisation of heritage, following this orienting question: how do human beings come to qualify a thing, be it tangible or intangible, as heritage? I argue that heritage is at the same time a quality allocated by human beings in their relation with things and a fiction that circulates between and anchors in situation(s). To support this assertion, I focus on one element of official heritage, namely houses in the medina of Fez in Morocco, a World Heritage site listed in 1981. <p>Firstly, I follow medina houses in terms of networks, that is to say the various ways to engage with their materiality in the everyday life. In this ethnographic report, I wonder how to inhabit houses located in a World Heritage site. This ethnography allows to question notions such as legality, taste, privacy, hospitality tradition or agency, and it brings to the fore a debate concerning the skills of Moroccan inhabitants to take care of their house and their blindness to heritage. I argue that houses have another story the official heritage one because they offer holds, affordances, to which human actors qualify. Heritage is one of these qualities. <p>I then focus on heritage as a trajectory to shed light on how houses cross the heritage border – are qualified as heritage. I firstly add the category of autodidact experts and I propose a wider definition of expertise as an ability "to speak in the name of". I then underline the importance of senses and affects in the relation with houses and I suggest that they are one possible component in the heritage qualification together with actions and justification. Finally, I argue that better than the notion of heritage border, the notion of attachment allows grasping the qualification of houses as heritage for it stresses both the similarities and the differences between houses and elements of heritage. Heritage as a quality results from a "plus of attention" and relates to nostalgia or a feeling of threat, loss and disappearing; values related to purity, materiality and time; and actions of preservation and transmission. <p>Finally, houses may be heritage through their qualification but heritage is also something else than houses in Fez, such as a label or a justification for members of institution in charge of tourism development or heritage preservation, a tool for sustainable development in the context of international projects, a definition assorted with criteria, an object to preserve for experts, an object of research in the field of social sciences, or a legal object. These are forms of heritage circulating between situations in which they anchor and are actualised. Each form has its own characteristics, its own criteria of (e)valuation, while all the forms share similarities that I define as the heritage fiction, namely a specific relation to the past, the idea of culture as a specific entity, the importance of experts, and moral principles. In a last time, I take as a basis the circulation and the anchorage of the heritage fiction and its forms to think of the local and the global as qualities and not as scales or levels. <p><p>Mon objectif est d'expliciter l'actualisation du patrimoine en décrivant la manière dont les individus qualifient une chose, dans ce cas les maisons de la médina de Fès au Maroc (site du patrimoine mondial depuis 1981), de patrimoine. Dans ce cadre, je définis le patrimoine à la fois comme une qualité que les individus attribuent à cette chose dans leur relation avec elle, et comme une fiction qui circule entre et s'ancre en situation(s). <p>Tout d'abord, je m'intéresse aux réseaux qui passent par et se croisent dans les maisons et je pose la question de l'engagement des individus avec la matérialité des maisons. Cette ethnographie de l'habitat quotidien dans un site du patrimoine mondial permet d'aborder des notions telles la légalité, le goût, l'intimité, l'hospitalité, la tradition ou l'agency. Elle met également en avant un débat sur les compétences des habitants à prendre soin de leur maison et sur leur aveuglement au patrimoine. Je défends l'idée que les maisons ont une autre histoire que celle, officielle, du patrimoine national et mondial et qu'elles proposent aux individus des prises et affordances que ces derniers peuvent qualifier. Le patrimoine est une de ces qualités. <p>Une étude de la trajectoire du patrimoine permet alors d'expliciter comment les maisons traversent la frontière patrimoniale (sont qualifiées de patrimoine). Tout en proposant une définition plus large de l'expertise comme la capacité de "parler au nom de", je relative l'opposition entre experts et non-experts avec la catégorie intermédiaire d'amateur. Je souligne également l'importance des sens et des affects dans la relation aux maisons qui, tout comme les actions et les justifications, constituent des composantes possibles de la qualification patrimoniale. Enfin, la notion d'attachement, mieux que celle de frontière patrimoniale, met en lumière à la fois ce qui est similaire et ce qui distingue les maisons et les éléments de patrimoine. Le patrimoine est une qualité qui résulte d'un "plus d'attention" relatifs à de la nostalgie ou un sentiment de perte, de menace ou de disparition; des valeurs de pureté, matérielles et temporelles; et des actions de préservation et de transmission. <p>Finalement, le patrimoine est aussi autre chose que des maisons à Fès, comme un objet à préserver, un objet légal, un objet de recherche pour les universitaires, un label servant de justification ou d'accroche promotionnelle de la ville, un outil dans le cadre du développement durable, une définition assortie de critères. Ces multiples patrimoines sont autant de formes de la "fiction patrimoniale" qui circulent entre et s'ancrent en situation(s). Si chacune possède ses caractéristiques et critères d'évaluation, toutes partagent les caractéristiques de la fiction patrimoniale, à savoir un rapport spécifique au temps, l'importance des experts, des principes moraux et une idée de la culture comme entité particulière. Je me base sur la circulation et l'ancrage de la fiction et de ses formes pour penser le local et le global comme des qualités d'une chose et non comme des niveaux ou des échelles. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished