Research into the British Union of Fascists (BUF) has treated antisemitism largely as an artificial addition to the party's programme, forced upon it by various circumstances. Scholars have thus focused almost exclusively on its causes and implications, rather than the antisemitism itself: the forms that it took, the ways in which it was expressed, and its relationship to the party's ideology. Through comprehensive analysis of the BUF's discourse, as well as of the discussions that took place within the party, this thesis reveals that anti-Jewish sentiment was, in fact, openly expressed at the very highest levels of the movement from the outset and, moreover, that it formed an integral and authentic aspect of its doctrine. This reflected its central position in the fascist philosophy of the BUF's founder and leader, Oswald Mosley, who was not, as is often argued, a reluctant antisemite. In fact, he played the principal role in the formulation and promulgation of this aspect of policy. More broadly, Mosley's antisemitism is shown to be indicative of ‘generic' fascism's exclusionary ultranationalism, which dictates intolerance of distinctive out-groups deemed incompatible with the fascist vision of a pure, homogenous society, and whose removal is regarded as a necessary prerequisite to bring about national rebirth. This did not, however, mean that the BUF's position on the Jewish question was at all imitative, and this study will demonstrate the extent to which it was founded upon longstanding native traditions of anti-Jewish thought. With regard to the second subject of this thesis, Jewish responses to the BUF, historical accounts have tended to focus only on the most visible forms of activity, and above all the type of confrontational anti-fascism that was favoured by many young, working-class Jews, particularly in London's East End. By exploring a much wider range of Jewish analyses and actions, this study presents a more nuanced and variegated picture. In doing so, it demonstrates that, rather than exacerbating divisions within Britain's heterogeneous Jewish community, the threat of fascism actually drew it closer together in its defence, bringing to the surface a shared sense of Anglo-Jewish identity. Finally, although revealing the breadth and effectiveness of Jewish opposition to British fascism, this study refutes the widely held notion that Jewish actions played any part in pushing the BUF and Mosley towards an antisemitic position.

This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.

This thesis explores the relationships between punk and anarchism in the contemporary contexts of the UK, Poland, and Indonesia from an insider punk and anarchist perspective. New primary ethnographic information forms the bulk of the research, drawing on Grounded Theory Method and an engagement with Orientalism. The theoretical framework is informed by the concept of antinomy which embraces complication and contradiction and rather than attempt to smooth-out complexities, impose a simplified narrative, or construct a fanciful dialectic, the thesis examines the numerous tensions that emerge in order to critique the relationships between punk and anarchism. A key tension which runs throughout the PhD is the dismissal of punk by some anarchists. This is often couched in terms of lifestylist versus workerist anarchism, with punk being denigrated in association with the former. The case studies bring out this tension, but also significantly complicate it, and the final chapter analyses this issue in more detail to argue that punk engages with a wide spectrum of anarchisms, and that the lifestylist / workerist dichotomy is anyway false. The case studies themselves focus on themes such as anti-fascism, food sovereignty/animal rights activism, politicisation, feminism, squatting, religion, and repression. New empirical information, garnered through numerous interviews and extensive participant observation in the UK, Poland, and Indonesia, informs the thick description of the case study contexts. The theory and analysis emerge from this data, and the voice of the punks themselves is given primacy here.

The diploma thesis provides an in depth overview of Czech exile in Mexico during the Second World War. Initially the text describes the political and social situation in Europe and Mexico during the 1930's and 1940's and elucidates the reasons leading to emigration. In the following part the subject matter of exiled Czechs is characterised, especially regarding Czech authors writing in German. The last chapter maps the communities of expat and their activity in aid of the Czechoslovak resistance movement; provides a detailed description of the Czechoslovak-Mexican Association and finally presents the stories of several exiles who were forced to leave Czechoslovakia during the Second World War.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a curta trajetória da Associação Brasileira de Escritores, entre 1943 e 1958, a partir de dois aspectos fundamentais: a definição de uma função social dos intelectuais, bem como a defesa dos direitos autorais dos homens e mulheres de letras do país. Tais elementos, conforme se pôde observar, serviram, ora como pontos de encontro dos interesses dos diferentes grupos que compunham a entidade, ora como causas do distanciamento entre os mesmos. Neste sentido, e com base na leitura de memórias, biografias e de um extenso material produzido pela imprensa do período, foi possível determinar, ao menos, quatro momentos no histórico da A.B.D.E.: desde a aproximação de liberais, socialistas, católicos e comunistas em torno da luta comum contra o nazifascismo, o Estado Novo e as péssimas condições econômicas em que se encontravam boa parte dos escritores; passando pela crise decorrente das disputas partidárias e da Guerra Fria, pós 1945; a violenta divisão da associação, em abril de 1949; até, finalmente, o seu aparelhamento pelo PCB, tornando-a uma espécie de porta-voz das diretrizes culturais do partido. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa visa demonstrar que, se em seus anos iniciais, a A.B.D.E. procurava ser um espaço donde os intelectuais brasileiros poderiam agir de forma autônoma distante da intervenção do Estado, das disputas ideológico-partidárias e das pressões do mercado editorial; posteriormente, em razão dos conflitos políticos resultantes do fim da Segunda Guerra e da queda de Getúlio Vargas, a diversidade de pontos de vista existente da agremiação acabou levando esse projeto de autonomia ao fracasso. / This thesis aims to analyze the short history of the Associação Brasileira de Escritores, between 1943 and 1958, from two main aspects: the definition of a \"social function\" of intellectuals, as well as the protection of copyrights of the Brazilian writers. Such elements, as it could be observed, served either as meeting points of interests of the different groups that made up the organization, either as causes of the separation between them. Thus, and based on the reading of memoirs, biographies and an extensive material produced by the press of the period, it was possible to determine at least four moments in ABDEs history: since the approach of liberals, socialists, Catholics and communists around the common fight against Nazi-fascism, the Estado Novo and the poor economic conditions in which they found most of the writers; passing by the crisis arising from the partisan bickering and the Cold War, post 1945; the violent division of the association, in April 1949; until, finally, his \"rigging\" by the PCB, making it a sort of spokesman of cultural party guidelines. Thus, the research aims to demonstrate that, in its early years, the ABDE tried to be a space where Brazilian intellectuals could act \"autonomous\" way - away from State intervention, the ideological and partisan disputes and the pressures of publishing; later, due to the political conflicts resulting from the end of World War II and the fall of Getúlio Vargas, the diversity of points of view inside of the association eventually led this project of \"autonomy\" to failure.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a curta trajetória da Associação Brasileira de Escritores, entre 1943 e 1958, a partir de dois aspectos fundamentais: a definição de uma função social dos intelectuais, bem como a defesa dos direitos autorais dos homens e mulheres de letras do país. Tais elementos, conforme se pôde observar, serviram, ora como pontos de encontro dos interesses dos diferentes grupos que compunham a entidade, ora como causas do distanciamento entre os mesmos. Neste sentido, e com base na leitura de memórias, biografias e de um extenso material produzido pela imprensa do período, foi possível determinar, ao menos, quatro momentos no histórico da A.B.D.E.: desde a aproximação de liberais, socialistas, católicos e comunistas em torno da luta comum contra o nazifascismo, o Estado Novo e as péssimas condições econômicas em que se encontravam boa parte dos escritores; passando pela crise decorrente das disputas partidárias e da Guerra Fria, pós 1945; a violenta divisão da associação, em abril de 1949; até, finalmente, o seu aparelhamento pelo PCB, tornando-a uma espécie de porta-voz das diretrizes culturais do partido. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa visa demonstrar que, se em seus anos iniciais, a A.B.D.E. procurava ser um espaço donde os intelectuais brasileiros poderiam agir de forma autônoma distante da intervenção do Estado, das disputas ideológico-partidárias e das pressões do mercado editorial; posteriormente, em razão dos conflitos políticos resultantes do fim da Segunda Guerra e da queda de Getúlio Vargas, a diversidade de pontos de vista existente da agremiação acabou levando esse projeto de autonomia ao fracasso. / This thesis aims to analyze the short history of the Associação Brasileira de Escritores, between 1943 and 1958, from two main aspects: the definition of a \"social function\" of intellectuals, as well as the protection of copyrights of the Brazilian writers. Such elements, as it could be observed, served either as meeting points of interests of the different groups that made up the organization, either as causes of the separation between them. Thus, and based on the reading of memoirs, biographies and an extensive material produced by the press of the period, it was possible to determine at least four moments in ABDEs history: since the approach of liberals, socialists, Catholics and communists around the common fight against Nazi-fascism, the Estado Novo and the poor economic conditions in which they found most of the writers; passing by the crisis arising from the partisan bickering and the Cold War, post 1945; the violent division of the association, in April 1949; until, finally, his \"rigging\" by the PCB, making it a sort of spokesman of cultural party guidelines. Thus, the research aims to demonstrate that, in its early years, the ABDE tried to be a space where Brazilian intellectuals could act \"autonomous\" way - away from State intervention, the ideological and partisan disputes and the pressures of publishing; later, due to the political conflicts resulting from the end of World War II and the fall of Getúlio Vargas, the diversity of points of view inside of the association eventually led this project of \"autonomy\" to failure.

L’antifascisme fait l’objet de nombreuses études sous sa forme historique, mais peu s’intéressent à son expression contemporaine. Afin de comprendre l’antifascisme dans le contexte montréalais, rencontrer les militants de cette lutte, acteurs de terrain de l’action, a semblé primordial. C’est donc en réalisant des entrevues semi-dirigées avec 5 militant(e)s antifascistes montréalais et par une courte recherche documentaire dans les ressources antifascistes montréalaises, que la compréhension de cette forme d’antifascisme a pu se construire. Cette recherche met en lumière une pluralité de portraits et de parcours militants auxquels la littérature sur le sujet , alors que les participants s’expriment sur leurs différents parcours, leur cheminement personnel ainsi que sur leurs motivations à s’engager. Ces discussions permettent de contextualiser l’engagement antifasciste dans le cadre spécifique du Québec au cours des 15 dernières années, tout en soulevant les défis des engagements militants. Par la même occasion, la rencontre des militant(es) met en avant la diversité des actions antifascistes ainsi que leurs enjeux, dont celui de la violence qui fait l’objet d’un traitement médiatique important. Cette recherche démontre que ce qui est présenté dans les médias ou la littérature sur l’antifascisme n’est que la pointe de l’iceberg et que la réalité du milieu est beaucoup plus complexe. / Anti-fascism is the object of many studies when it comes to its historical expression, but few focus on its modern expression. When seeking to understand modern anti-fascism in Montreal, meeting the militants of the movement, front actors of the actions, seemed to be of prime importance. The comprehension of this form of anti-fascism was achieved by conducting semi-directed interviews with 5 Montrealer anti-fascist activists and through a documentary search conducted on several Montreal anti-fascists key resources. This research highlights a plurality of portraits and militant journeys which are hardly referred to in the literature on anti-fascism, while the participants describe their different experiences, their personal journey and their motivations to get involved in the cause. These discussions help contextualizing anti-fascist engagement in Montréal, Quebec, by exploring its definitional and cultural frameworks, while addressing the challenges of militant engagement. Anti-fascist actions are explored with the activists and allow to map out their actions as well as their challenges and stakes, including the issue of violence. This research shows that what is presented in the media or literature about anti-fascism is only the tip of the iceberg and the reality of the milieu is much more complex.

No description available.

<p>In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind.</p><p>The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936).</p><p>Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt & Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted.</p><p>Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action.</p><p>Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.</p>

In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind. The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936). Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt &amp; Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted. Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action. Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.