The aim of the thesis is to find out, if is the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia an anti-system party. The theoretical framework shall be based on works by authors who have dealt with the theory antisystemicity. First of all, the theory G. Sartori and G. Capoccia. From this is deduced operationalized definition of antisystemicity which is applied in the practical part. This definition is divided into two main points: delegitimizing effect and democracy. The thesis uses analytical method to reach its goal, primarily analyzes the intra-party documents. This thesis also analyzes documents describing the future look of the socialist society that the KSČM would like to achieve. In conclusion thesis comes to the fact that the Communist Party fulfill features of antisystemicity only partially. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

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This thesis deals with the political situation in the Czech Republic since the parliamentary elections in October 2017 till the successful vote on the government's confidence in July 2018. It focuses specifically on the relations between the political parties, the reasons for refusing cooperation with the winner of the elections, and the motives for a participation on the executive coalition. Emphasis is placed on the parliamentary actors who have fundamentally influenced the emergence of the government. Furthermore, the work clarifies the social environment and important events during the period that was related to the coalition negotiations. At the same time, the text focuses on the role of the President in the formation of the government. Since he is the first directly elected president, the thesis tries to answer the question whether there are visible differences between the two previous indirectly elected presidents of the Czech Republic and current president Miloš Zeman. The thesis also examines the breadth of presidential powers over the government and seeks a possible overrun of powers. The main objective of the work is to verify whether the president extends his power beyond the constitution. For this purpose is uses the comparison of realities with the Constitution of the Czech Republic,...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:25:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 253.pdf: 730945 bytes, checksum: 06de873e805a93c156c9d4c02a088b7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-03-02 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / Under a sartorian perspective, we characterized the Brazilian Workers Party (PT) as an anti-system party until the middle of the 90´s, because in some of their actions the party s objective was to cause symbolic impacts that could unlegitimize the Brazilian political system. Using the Panebianco s theoretical model, we try to explain how PT processed the institutional changes that made the party leaves gradually its anti-systemic character, making it possible its approach in relation to the centrist political forces that became clear in the presidential electoral campaign in 2002. Such migration toward the center nominated by political variable, and the quest for more competitiveness in a competitiveness variable were essential for the 2002 electoral campaign s modernization when Lula conquered the Presidency. This modernization was verified by an comparative cases study which compared this with the 1989 electoral campaign, very close to the non-modernized polo, according to un archetype constructed by Mancini and Swanson; the electoral campaigns analyzed represented reflections of the party s mutation. / Em uma perspectiva sartoriana, caracterizamos o Partido dos Trabalhadores como um partido anti-sistema até meados dos anos 90, na medida em que algumas das ações partidárias buscavam causar impactos simbólicos deslegitimadores sobre o sistema político nacional. Lançando mão do modelo teórico de Panebianco, buscamos explicar como o PT processou as alterações institucionais que o fariam abandonar gradativamente este caráter anti-sistêmico, fazendo viável a aproximação em relação a forças políticas centristas que se tornou diáfana na campanha presidencial de 2002. Tal migração rumo ao centro que intitulamos de variável política, e a busca de maior competitividade eleitoral em uma variável de competitividade foram determinantes à modernização da campanha eleitoral petista que levou Lula à Presidência. Esta modernização foi verificada através de um estudo comparativo de casos que a contrapôs à campanha petista de 1989, muito próxima de um pólo nãomodernizado, conforme arquétipo traçado por Mancini e Swanson; as campanhas analisadas constituíram-se, assim, em reflexos da mutação da agremiação.

The Worker´s Party of Social Justice is the most significant far right party in the Czech Republic. This work deals with its ideological basis while emphasis is placed on the conception of nation and the attitude towards the political systém and a charakterization of its development too. The first two chapters focus on the analysis of the predecessor: the Worker's Party which in its third phase adopted the German national socialism from the National Democratic Party of Germany. Within the new approach it adopted the notion of white Europeanism which is a contemporaty Aryan rase. The second two chapters contain the analyses of ideological postulates of the Worker's Party of Social Justice which continues to co-operate with the National Democratic Party of Gemany and to adopt its attitudes and strategy. The basis of identity of the Worker's Party of Social Justice is white Europeanism which is common for all native European nations. Incompatibility of some of its attitudes with the values of representative democracy makes it an anti-system party.

Účelem diplomové práce je analyzovat a zkoumat změny na slovenské politické scéně v období od parlamentních voleb 2010 až po parlamentní volby 2016. Práce čerpá jednak ze Sartoriho teorie stranických systémů, tak z materiálů Institutu pro veřejné otázky, které rozebírají ve svých publikacích předmětné období. Na základě zkoumaných pohybů, diplomová práce věnuje svou pozornost jednotlivým vládám, jakož i charakteristice a voličské podpoře relevantním stranám. Během sledovaného období došlo jednak k prohloubení fenoménu tzv. oligarchické demokracie, tak na druhé straně k výraznému přeskupování voličské podpory na středo-pravém politickém spektru od hodnotově zavedených politických stran k novým, těžko definovatelným subjektům, ale i k rostoucí podpoře antisystémové strany s fašistickou minulostí. Klíčová slova volby, politické strany, oligarchická demokracie, populismus, středo-pravé strany, antisystémové strany

Alors qu’une riche littérature se concentre sur l’euroscepticisme au sein des arènes politiques nationales, les oppositions à l’Europe au niveau supranational restent largement négligées. Afin de contribuer à combler cette lacune, cette recherche s’interroge sur la façon dont les députés eurosceptiques conçoivent et exercent leur mandat représentatif au sein du PE. Fondée sur l’approche motivationnelle des rôles, il s’agit, d’une part, d’appréhender les rôles joués par les eurosceptiques au sein de l’assemblée et, d’autre part, d’expliquer l’hétérogénéité des rôles endossés par ces élus. Mobilisant une pluralité de données, cette recherche repose sur une méthodologie mixte, combinant méthodes qualitative et quantitative ainsi qu’approches inductive et déductive. L’analyse s’articule autour de deux séquences. La première propose une typologie d’idéaux-types de rôles permettant de rendre compte des pratiques et conceptions du mandat développées par les parlementaires eurosceptiques. La seconde explique la variation des rôles au sein de cette typologie et teste l’hypothèse selon laquelle le rôle dépend d’une combinaison de facteurs institutionnels et individuels. L’étude démontre que les eurosceptiques peuvent endosser quatre rôles, correspondant à une stratégie de défection ou de prise de parole, et que le rôle qu’ils jouent dépend à la fois des règles régissant le fonctionnement du PE et de leurs préférences relatives à l’intégration et à l’architecture institutionnelle de l’UE. Ce faisant, la recherche constitue une réflexion sur deux enjeux très distincts. Premièrement, alors que l’on assiste, dans de nombreux pays européens, à l’émergence de revendications d’acteurs contestant les structures institutionnelles en place, cette thèse permet de contribuer à l’étude, encore restreinte, de l’opposition antisystème au sein d’institutions parlementaires, le PE servant ici de laboratoire privilégié pour l’étude des stratégies de ces acteurs antisystème. Deuxièmement, à l’instar des travaux de sociologie de l’intégration européenne, cette recherche repose sur le postulat qu’analyser de façon microscopique un groupe restreint d’acteurs permet de s’interroger, de façon différente, sur le déficit démocratique et de légitimité du régime européen, en déplaçant la focale du niveau institutionnel au niveau individuel. Il s’agit alors d’appréhender les défis de légitimation de l’UE en se concentrant sur les acteurs hostiles à la construction européenne. Une analyse de leurs pratiques concrètes au sein de l’assemblée représentative permet de dégager des pistes de réflexion quant à leur capacité de légitimation du régime politique. <p><p>While an abundant literature focuses on Euroscepticism in the national political arenas, oppositions to Europe at the supranational level remain largely under-studied. In order to contribute to fill this gap, this research examines how Eurosceptic Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) conceive and carry out their representative mandate in the European Parliament (EP). Inspired by the motivational approach of role theory, the study aims first at understanding the roles played by Eurosceptics within the assembly and second at explaining the heterogeneity of the roles played by these actors. Using a plurality of data, this research is based on mix-methods, combining qualitative and quantitative methodologies as well as inductive and deductive approaches. The analysis proceeds in two steps. The first proposes a typology of ideal-types of roles that allows understanding the ways Eurosceptics conceive and carry out their parliamentary mandate. The second explains the variation between the roles and tests the hypothesis that the role played by an actor depend on the combination of institutional and individual factors. The study demonstrates that Eurosceptics may assume four roles, corresponding to an exit or voice strategy, and that the role they play depends both on the EP’s rules and MEP’s preferences concerning European integration and the EU’s institutional design. The research contributes to on-going debates on two very different issues. First, while we witness in many European countries, the emergence of anti-system actors, this thesis can contribute to the study of the anti-systemic opposition within parliamentary institutions, the EP being here a special laboratory for the study of the strategies of anti-system actors. Second, like recent studies focusing on the sociology of European integration, this research is based on the premise that analysing a small group of actors allows to question in a different way, the democratic and legitimacy deficit of the EU, moving the focal from the institutional to the individual level. The aim is then to understand the challenges of legitimacy of the EU by focusing on actors hostile to the European project. An analysis of their actual practices in the EP allows us to reflect on their ability to legitimize the political system.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished