Master's thesis in history, Hunter College. / This essay will analyze how library organizations, such as the American Library Association, and individual librarians responded to the pressure placed on libraries during the McCarthy era to deal with alleged subversion. Although libraries have always been the target of censors, it was during the first decade of the Cold War that those Americans most fearful of Communist subversion swept up large numbers of their fellow citizens in a crusade to rid libraries of Communist influence. That effort by the self-proclaimed “loyal Americans” to save libraries put more than just library collections under the microscope. The librarians themselves were scrutinized to ensure that they harbored no troubling past or present connections to radical political groups. Pressure groups examined library services closely as well, keeping an eye out for subversion in library exhibits or making sure that controversial books were only available by request, not on open shelving.

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti / Banca: Cândido Moreira Rodrigues / Banca: Ricardo Pires de Paula / Banca: Ângelo Aparecido Priori / Resumo: O presente trabalho analisa os mitos políticos modernos que se formaram na relação entre a Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS/PR) com o comunismo e atividades desenvolvidas pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) no Paraná durante os anos de 1945 a 1953. Ao realizar um trabalho meticuloso de vigilância e repressão, a polícia política não somente coletou, registrou e ofereceu dados sobre suspeitos a outros setores ou Delegacias Regionais, mas associou o comunismo a características negativas, atribuiu a seus adeptos um alto grau de periculosidade e identificou na doutrina comunista elementos que supostamente visavam destruir o mundo ocidental e seus valores. Tais características contribuíram para a formação do mito da conspiração comunista, o qual se alimentava da disseminação do medo e da paranoia de que o "inimigo vermelho" poderia estar em todos os lugares, com grande força e blindado por suas características maléficas. A confluência de mitos políticos não ficou restrita ao universo policial. Por outro lado, os próprios comunistas paranaenses se alimentaram de mitos, seja para manter sua própria unidade, existência ou até mesmo para se sentirem motivados na busca pela luta revolucionária. Apesar das adversidades físicas, emocionais e familiares, acreditavase que o papel de revolucionário e a entrega de sua vida em sacrifício trariam recompensas, como o fim da exploração capitalista e a construção de uma sociedade mais justa. Para a escrita do trabalho foram utilizadas... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This thesis analyzes the modern political myths that have formed in the relationship between the Bureau of Political and Social Order (DOPS/PR) with communism and activities of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) in Paraná during the years 1945- 1953. To conduct a meticulous surveillance and repression, the political police not only collected, recorded and offered data on suspects to other sectors or Regional Offices, but associated communism the negative characteristics attributed to his followers a high degree of dangerousness and identified in Communist doctrine elements that allegedly aimed to destroy the Western world and its values. These characteristics contributed to the formation of the myth of the communist conspiracy, which fed the spread of fear and paranoia that the "red enemy" could be everywhere, with great strength and armored by his evil characteristics. The confluence of political myths was not restricted to the police universe. On the other hand, Paraná Communists themselves fed on myths, is to maintain its own unity, existence or even to feel motivated in the pursuit of revolutionary struggle. Despite the physical, emotional and family adversity, it was believed that the revolutionary paper and the delivery of his life in sacrifice would bring rewards, as the end of capitalist exploitation and the construction of a fairer society. For writing the work they were used sources of journalistic nature, interviews, statements, reports and other evidence filed wi... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

As the New York Public Library entered the post-war era in the late 1940s, its operations fell under the zealous scrutiny of self-styled ‘redhunters’ intent upon rooting out library materials and staffers deemed un-American and politically subversive. The high point of attacks upon the New York Public Library came during the years 1947-1954, a period that witnessed the Soviet atomic bomb, the Berlin airlift, and the Korean War. This article charts the narrow and carefully wrought trail blazed by the library’s leadership during that period. Through a reading of materials in the library archives, we see how political pressures were perceived and handled by library management and staff. We witness remarkable examples of brave defense of intellectual freedom alongside episodes of prudent equivocation. At the heart of the library’s situation stood the contradictions between the principled commitments of individual library leaders and the practical political considerations underlying the library’s viability. As a general rule, the New York Public Library did not hesitate to acquire materials considered subversive by pressure groups, but the library frequently struck a course that sought to avoid controversy when possible.

The onset of the Depression Era in the United States re-energized the Communist Party. Communists gained new support from the unemployed and indigent, as well as from various institutionally repressed social groups. That new energy was met by a resurgence of ardent anticommunism from establishment leaders indicative of the Red Scare following the First World War. The debate over communism quickly engulfed the nation. It played out, sometimes violently, in cities and towns across the United States. This thesis examines that debate at the local level. Using one Midwestern industrial center, East St. Louis, Illinois as the case study, it attempts to complicate the larger narrative of communism and anticommunism in the United States, and strives to provide new context for both the methods and motivations of the Communist Party and its supporters, as well as opposing establishment figures. This framework, though innovative, is not unprecedented. Historians have examined communism at the grassroots level in the United States for the past few decades. However, these case studies differ in that they overwhelming tend to focus on large metropolises that posses a unique history for the national party and its leaders. By exploring the debate over communism in a smaller urban center that lacked a CP presence before the Depression, this thesis seeks to provide new depth into both the history of communism and anticommunism in the United States, and the actions and motivations of many everyday Americans whose lives had been radically changed after the economic crash.

During the period 1945 - 1960, the United States developed an intense fervor of anticommunism and strove to prevent the spread of communism to other nations, particularly the Indochina region. As a result, the government ignored or responded inadequately to key social events at home affecting both women and African Americans. This thesis will explore the extent of the active involvement in Indochina to prevent the spread of communism and the effects of that involvement on major social issues at home concerning African Americans and women. The United States had numerous opportunities to discontinue its involvement in Indochina, but it repeatedly chose to remain an important participant in the events that took place in that country from 1945-1960. As our involvement intensified, less attention was given to discrimination, educational, workforce, and civil rights issues that concerned African Americans and women. A slight period of peace allowed these groups to petition the government for help, but the response was often inadequate. As a result, these two groups formed social and political committees that would later become a major factor in the Civil Rights Movements of the 1960s. The research for this thesis included both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include documents from the Eisenhower Public Library (accessed online), the Truman Public Library (accessed online), and personal accounts from those involved in the government and social actions at this time. The majority of the material was available from the Sherrod Library at East Tennessee State University. The conclusions drawn from this research are: a) the United States government demonstrated the precedence of fighting communism over domestic issues both by the choice to remain an active participant in Indochina and by the extent of involvement; b) African American issues were often ignored unless some type of public demonstration forced the government to take notice and act; c) the anticommunist movement caused the government to overlook issues facing women to the point that the outrage generated by the ambivalence led women to revolt from traditional stereotypes to gain equal rights.

L’étude, principalement centrée sur la région parisienne, se propose d’étudier les continuités et les ruptures dans l’anticommunisme d’Etat entre l’été 1939 et la fin de 1942. Edouard Daladier se propose d’éradiquer le PCF de la société française par la dissolution des organisations communistes (26 septembre 1939) et l’internement administratif (18 novembre 1939), supports d’une répression multiforme aggravée par son successeur Paul Reynaud (décret Sérol 12 avril 1940).Après juin 1940, les Allemands imposent d’abord leur propre législation répressive, puis la continuité est rétablie dès l’automne 1940, les occupants trouvant avantage à transférer la répression anticommuniste aux autorités françaises sur le fondement de la législation nationale, sous leur surveillance très attentive.A la suite de l’invasion de l’Union soviétique le 22 juin 1941, ils procèdent d’emblée à une vaste opération préventive d’internement des communistes. Les actions armées communistes les incitent d’une part à exhorter le gouvernement de Vichy à aggraver la répression, ce qu’il fait par l’institution de tribunaux d’exception, d’autre part à appliquer aux communistes une répression qui leur est propre : fusillades par suite de condamnations à mort par leurs tribunaux militaires et exécutions d’otages. Le partage des tâches initial est brouillé par l’intervention contre les communistes des deux circuits répressifs distincts. La répression anticommuniste est associée un temps par les Allemands à la persécution antisémite dans la catégorie du « judéo-bolchévisme », avant que la politique de persécution anti-juive prenne son autonomie à partir de la mi-juillet 1942. Les autorités vichistes se plaignent ponctuellement de l’empiétement des Allemands dans la répression anticommuniste, mais la collaboration des polices se poursuit comme auparavant.Après une redistribution des pouvoirs au printemps 1942, les négociations entre autorités allemandes et françaises aboutissent fin juillet 1942 à renouer officiellement avec le partage des tâches antérieur. La répression des communistes est normalement confiée aux autorités françaises, à l’exception des auteurs d’actes dirigés directement contre les occupants, mais en pratique les Allemands se saisissent de qui ils souhaitent. Après une interruption de deux mois et demi, ils reprennent les exécutions d’otages en août et septembre 1942, puis ils l’interrompent à cette date en prenant acte de son caractère contre-productif. Pour sa part, la police française fait montre de son efficacité aux yeux des occupants en obtenant d’importants succès dans la lutte contre les communistes, démantelant régulièrement leurs organisations tant en matière d’action politique que d’action armée, sans pour autant réussir à les éradiquer.L’étude précise de l’anticommunisme d’Etat se termine à la fin de 1942, quand l’invasion de la zone sud ouvre une nouvelle période qui étend les enjeux de l’Occupation à l’ensemble du territoire national, mais quelques indications sont données sur le devenir des années suivantes : basculement de l’opinion française à l’été 1943, déchainement de la violence des occupants appuyée par un l’Etat français milicien entièrement à son service en 1944, alors qu’à la base certains policiers et magistrats commencent à se mettre en retrait..Au-delà des vicissitudes des événements : occupation du pays et changement de régime politique en juin-juillet 1940, invasion de l’Union soviétique et déclanchement de la lutte armée à l’été 1941, les ruptures dans l’histoire de la France ne se traduisent pas par des ruptures durables dans l’anticommunisme d’Etat, renforcé néanmoins par l’intervention d’un double circuit répressif à partir de l’été 1941 et la radicalisation progressive de la répression, mais fondamentalement appuyée sur la législation établie à la fin de la IIIe République dans une continuité toujours revendiquée par Vichy avec l’autorisation des occupants. / No abstract

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Marta Grisolio Mendes.pdf: 39303873 bytes, checksum: 70e390e21c09d99749242b27e7a20683 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present essay aims at analyzing one of the most important 20th Century Brazilian magazines, namely O Cruzeiro. The reflection hereby proposed encompasses the discussion about the option for capitalist modernity based on the North-American model to the detriment of the communist option which presents itself in the post-war period. Thus, we mean to render problematic ideological rather than merely informative reports since they disclosed the ideas that tried to adjust society as well as the national politics between 1947 and 1950. Our goal consists of trying to understand the basis underlying the discourse that promoted the Brazilian modernization, heavily shaped by the North-American model, and which defended a kind of development for society underlined by Americanized values at every social level, from economic to cultural issues, thus rejecting any project that even remotely resembled communist principles. As a direct consequence of assuming such a posture, the magazine produced an intense anti-communist discourse which sometimes identified the Stalinist soviet regime as dangerous and perverse and, at other times, portrayed it as a world of sadness and suffering. Taking the American democracy as a model and fighting against communism, the magazine promoted a certain kind of modernization. The understanding of the intense combat against the Varguista project belongs to this sphere. That project is totally against the idea that modernization would derive from an intrinsic subordination to international funds. Therefore, the nationalistic project was identified by the magazine as outdated, representing tardiness. Although the magazine strongly opposed to the election of Getúlio Vargas in the 1950 elections, it was defeated. Studying the magazine historicity, we disclose an intense effort to identify the United States of America as the ideal partner regarding the construction of a society guided by consumption. In the 1940s, Brazil was still looking for a model for its development and the magazine O Cruzeiro was clearly the one which best spread North-American values via its weekly publication. Thus, O Cruzeiro intentionally contributed to the building of the principles underlying the American Dream as well as the fight against the Red Scare / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar uma das mais importantes revistas do Brasil no século XX: O Cruzeiro. A reflexão está centrada no debate sobre a opção pela modernização capitalista com base no modelo estadunidense, em detrimento da opção comunista que se apresenta no pós-guerra. Dessa forma, buscamos problematizar os artigos de caráter ideológico, e não meramente informativos, onde eram divulgadas as ideias que buscavam ajustar a sociedade e a política nacional, entre 1947 a 1950. Nosso objetivo é compreender as bases do discurso que promoveu a modernização do país assumindo o modelo estadunidense e defendeu um tipo de desenvolvimento para a sociedade permeado de valores americanizados em todas as esferas sociais, desde a economia até a cultura, rejeitando, assim, qualquer projeto que se aproximasse dos preceitos comunistas. Como consequência direta desse posicionamento, a revista produziu um intenso discurso anticomunista que ora identificava o regime soviético stalinista como perigoso e perverso ora como um mundo triste e de sofrimento. Elegendo a democracia estadunidense como modelo e combatendo o comunismo, a revista promovia certa proposta de modernização. Situa-se nessa esfera o entendimento do intenso combate ao projeto varguista que se opunha diametralmente à ideia de que a modernização se construiria a partir da necessária subordinação ao capital internacional. O projeto nacionalista, então, era identificado pela revista como ultrapassado, representando o atraso. Embora a revista tenha travado uma dura batalha contra a candidatura de Getúlio Vargas nas eleições de 1950, foi derrotada. Ao estudarmos a historicidade da revista, desvelamos um intenso esforço para identificar os Estados Unidos como parceiro ideal na construção de uma sociedade pautada no consumo. O Brasil na década de 1940 ainda buscava um modelo para seu desenvolvimento e O Cruzeiro foi notadamente a revista que melhor propagou os valores estadunidenses através de suas publicações semanais. Dessa forma, O Cruzeiro deliberadamente contribuiu com o ideário do American Dream e do combate ao Pesadelo Vermelho

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo apresentar a trajetória profissional de José Garrido Torres e, a partir dela, compreender o debate em torno do desenvolvimento econômico no Brasil entre o início dos anos 1940 e a primeira metade da década de 1970. Investigamos a produção intelectual e as atividades desempenhadas por Garrido Torres em diversos órgãos públicos e privados, no Brasil e no exterior, e, através dela, pretendemos discutir de que maneira uma determinada proposta de modernização econômica e social trouxe consigo uma clara proposta política calcada na luta contra o comunismo, o totalitarismo, através da disseminação de valores que pregavam a reestruturação da economia brasileira e suas formas de financiamentos tendo em vista os pressupostos da livre iniciativa. Examinamos ainda, como se articulou um projeto de modernização que se consolidou no aparato do Estado brasileiro a partir do golpe civil-militar de 1964. Tal projeto, sistematicamente discutido a partir da formação do IPES, é fundamental para o entendimento do conjunto de reformas colocadas em práticas após o golpe de Estado. / This research aims to present the professional career of José Garrido Torres and, from it, understand the debate on the economic development in Brazil between the early 1940s and the first half of the 1970s. We investigated the intellectual production and the activities performed by Garrido Torres in various public and private institutions in Brazil and abroad. We intend to discuss how a specific proposal for economic and social modernization has brought a clear policy proposal squashed in fight against communism, totalitarianism, through the dissemination of values they preached the restructuring of the Brazilian economy and its forms of financing in view of the assumptions of free enterprise. We have also audited, as articulated a modernization project that was consolidated in the Brazilian state apparatus from the civil-military coup of 1964. This project, systematically discussed from the formation of the IPES is fundamental to understanding the set of reforms put in practice after the coup.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo apresentar a trajetória profissional de José Garrido Torres e, a partir dela, compreender o debate em torno do desenvolvimento econômico no Brasil entre o início dos anos 1940 e a primeira metade da década de 1970. Investigamos a produção intelectual e as atividades desempenhadas por Garrido Torres em diversos órgãos públicos e privados, no Brasil e no exterior, e, através dela, pretendemos discutir de que maneira uma determinada proposta de modernização econômica e social trouxe consigo uma clara proposta política calcada na luta contra o comunismo, o totalitarismo, através da disseminação de valores que pregavam a reestruturação da economia brasileira e suas formas de financiamentos tendo em vista os pressupostos da livre iniciativa. Examinamos ainda, como se articulou um projeto de modernização que se consolidou no aparato do Estado brasileiro a partir do golpe civil-militar de 1964. Tal projeto, sistematicamente discutido a partir da formação do IPES, é fundamental para o entendimento do conjunto de reformas colocadas em práticas após o golpe de Estado. / This research aims to present the professional career of José Garrido Torres and, from it, understand the debate on the economic development in Brazil between the early 1940s and the first half of the 1970s. We investigated the intellectual production and the activities performed by Garrido Torres in various public and private institutions in Brazil and abroad. We intend to discuss how a specific proposal for economic and social modernization has brought a clear policy proposal squashed in fight against communism, totalitarianism, through the dissemination of values they preached the restructuring of the Brazilian economy and its forms of financing in view of the assumptions of free enterprise. We have also audited, as articulated a modernization project that was consolidated in the Brazilian state apparatus from the civil-military coup of 1964. This project, systematically discussed from the formation of the IPES is fundamental to understanding the set of reforms put in practice after the coup.

This work reconsiders the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Great Depression and the unaffiliated social-democratic movement developed by those who left the Socialist Party to join President Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition. The substance and implications of socialism’s revival in the 1930s have received insufficient attention, overshadowed by an emphasis on the character and impact of American communism. Viewed over multiple decades, socialists remained relevant in the labor movement. Their integration into the New Deal coalition confounds claims that American socialists were too rigid and programmatic in their beliefs to be effective political actors in the United States. Their shift from a revolutionary socialism to a pragmatic embrace of social democracy suggests that socialists were able to find an accommodation with both capitalism and with the Democratic Party. For much of the Depression, the Socialist Party was a vibrant political force on the American left, challenging the mainstream parties to address the economic crisis, creating a space in which women claimed leadership, and provided a cohort of skilled organizers for the labor movement. During the revival, women were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts, provided vital election support, publically debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity, and held important offices within the party. Socialists also built institutions. Highlander and Soviet House, two institutions that must be understood within their proper socialist contexts, developed out of the radicalism fostered by Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Theological Seminary. Radical young socialists, drawn to Reinhold Niebuhr’s pessimistic critique of capitalism, carried their belief that capitalism was in its terminal crisis into the SP’s Revolutionary Policy Committee. Their energy yielded impressive organization success for the labor movement. The continued intellectual coherence of socialists in the decades after the revival suggest that evolving socialist ideas survived within and at odds with the New Deal coalition. Far from abandoning socialism, those socialists who participated in the New Deal coalition maintained a distinctive set of ideas. The existence of a strong cohort of women in the Socialist Party’s revival runs contrary to scholars’ claims that women did not play a significant role in the Socialist Party after the early 1920s. Socialist women rebuilt socialist institutions during the Depression. They were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts; provided vital election support; debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity; and held offices within the party. Viewed from within the confines of parties and elections, the history of the socialist movement in the United States appears limited in its scope and importance. During the 1930s, socialists’ successful municipal projects were eclipsed by rising factionalism and the unrequited attraction of revolution. Socialists seemed much less interesting and their critiques less incisive and useful when mired in historical accounts that give primacy to factional feuds and electoral politics. This was not the entirety of the socialist experience in the 1930s. Socialists did fight amongst themselves and against communists, primarily with words but also with fists. They also served as productive forces and provided significant leadership within the labor movement. Throughout those decades, they continued to distinguish themselves from other trade unionists. Socialists retained their class-based critique of American society even as they softened their ideas about the remedies that they intended to employ to make that society more equitable.