Thesis (M.P.A.)--Bowling Green State University, 2007. / Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 125 p. Includes bibliographical references.

Rhetorical frames are used to support political agendas, define problems, diagnose causes, make policy judgments, and suggest solutions. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, politicians and media pundits used Islamophobia as a fear-mongering tactic to justify public policy formation. The purpose of this study was to analyze public discourse on Islamic terrorism in arguments advocating government surveillance, restrictive immigration policies, and other erosions of U.S. constitutional protections of its citizens. This study drew on the postmodern theories of Lakoff, Lyotard, and Said to critically examine U.S. political discourse on Islam and terrorism. Three conceptual rhetorical frames were examined: Clash of Civilizations, Endangered Constitutional Protections, and Islamophobia. The key research question asked how U.S. politicians and high-profile national news commentators used biased rhetoric to frame discussions of Islam and terrorism. This qualitative study used content analysis of 44 news reports of crimes that framed these incidents as Islam-inspired terrorism. Study findings suggested that defenders of the USA PATRIOT Act used a Clash of Civilizations frame that pitted Western freedom proponents against radical Muslim fanatics in struggles for social change. U.S. policy makers and news commentators described Islamic inspired terrorism as anti-American vengeance, Jihadism, and/or anti-Semitism to control national debates and information flow. Implications of these findings suggest that an alternative Islamophobic framing can be deployed to make biases explicit, quell anxieties of and about stigmatized groups, raise the self-esteem of the vilified minorities, and decrease the risk of terrorism.

Research Report submitted for the partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Migration African School of Migration and Society (ACMS) University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg 2018 / This research report examines the everyday effects of Israeli policies and state practices (relating to rights to live in the city) on the lives of Palestinians in Jerusalem. It engages with state policy and practice across three main scales; the larger scale level of rights to the city itself, the closer-to-home scale of bureaucratic threats against the family home, as well as the micro-scale questions of the everyday. In this report I examine empirical evidence – a case study of a house demolition, and ethnographic material from a Palestinian neighbourhood targeted for settlement projects - alongside the policy data that relates to each of these instances- including policy on land-zoning, tenancy, residency and social security. I argue that the cumulative effect of these policies and practices create the unstable conditions, which I refer to as a ‘coercive environment’, which works to indirectly displace Palestinians from Jerusalem. This report shows that the daily uncertainties that Palestinians experience as a result of these policies intensify the precarious conditions of everyday life, and further finds uncertainty as one of the multiple forms of violence present in the coercive environment. Themes including everyday anxiety, security and fear, punishment and criminalization, procedural bare life and emotional violence, arise from the empirical data observed and collected, and are examined for how they create uncertainty and form part of this coercive environment. / XL2019

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This study seeks to address a gap in the literature with regard to the Christian Palestinians. As members of a very small minority, they are often overlooked by the media and the academic community. While this is changing to some extent for Christian Palestinians in the Middle East, there is scant literature that considers their lives in the ‘West’ and almost none on their experiences in Britain. This thesis considers how Christian Palestinians have adapted to life in London, including an analysis of the individual experiences of both Christian Palestinians and Muslim Palestinians. Interviews with respondents focused on their English language abilities, educational achievements, attitudes to intermarriage, and their sense of belonging. These aspects were chosen because they offer an insight into respondents’ private and public lives, a distinction that is particularly important in the study of integration and assimilation. Through the assessment of these attributes, this research seeks to redefine the way that assimilation has been viewed and argues that a more comprehensive study of assimilation must include not only an analysis of whether migrants have adopted a characteristic of the host nation’s population, but also an analysis of whether they have adopted the sentiments their native born counterparts have attached to them.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Santa Cruz, 1988. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [614]-620).

<p>The aim of the paper is to explore the dominating perception of the Other after the conflict regarding the Danish Mohammed caricatures. How Swedish newspapers have portrayed Arabs, which role they have been given in society and what problems they are struggling with is going to be the focus of this thesis.</p><p>As methodological approach I chose discourse analysis, since it presents a view where language defines and structures our understanding of reality. Through the study of various Swedish newspaper articles, this essay tries to illustrate the implicit yet existent negative image of the Arabs as a group and potential alternative ways of understanding the Other.</p><p>The perception of Arabs is a product of a necessary imaginary foe, a mirror image of the bad and strange in contrast to the idyllic and safe Swedish nationality. The rhetoric’s of the discourse are therefore constructed between a politics of acknowledgement and a will to culturally dominate the Other. To challenge this view the citizens of a nation must accept it as nothing more than an imaginary design.</p>

Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003. Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003.

Esta pesquisa foi desenvolvida para examinar a articulação dos recursos de linguagem e seus efeitos de sentido e compreender o seu papel na transformação social que motivou, mobilizou e legitimou a Revolução Egípcia de 2011, um evento social do movimento popular Primavera Árabe, promovido na página do site de rede social Facebook denominado We Are All Khaled Said. Para isto, valemo-nos da abordagem metodológica da Teoria Social do Discurso, uma vertente da Análise de Discurso Crítica, desenvolvida por Norman Fairclough, que possibilitou o mapeamento da organização dos enunciados escolhidos ao corpus desta análise. / This research was conducted to examine the articulation of language features and their effects of meaning and understand their role in social transformation that motivated, mobilized and legitimized the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, a social event of the popular Arab Spring movement, promoted on the page social networking site Facebook called We Are All Khaled Said. For this, we used of the methodological approach of Social Discourse Theory, a branch of Critical Discourse Analysis, developed by Norman Fairclough, which enabled the mapping of the organization of the corpus utterances chosen this analysis.

Este trabalho verificou como os jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo cobriram assuntos relacionados a árabes e muçulmanos seis meses antes dos atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001 e seis meses depois. Com base no Orientalismo, tese desenvolvida por Edward W. Said, e na Teoria Social do Discurso, de Norman Fairclough, foram analisadas as escolhas lexicais de ambos os jornais em relação aos assuntos que mais apareceram nos dois recortes. O estudo concluiu que dogmas orientalistas se mostraram presentes nos dois períodos e que os jornais naturalizaram discursos hegemônicos, que se colocaram em contraposição aos de árabes e muçulmanos. / This paper analyzed how the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo covered issues relating to Arabs and Muslims six months before the September 11, 2001 attacks and six months after. Based on the thesis of Orientalism, developed by Edward W. Said, and on the Social Theory of Discourse by Norman Fairclough, lexical variations from both newspapers were analyzed with regard to the issues that most appeared in the clippings. The paper concluded that Orientalist dogmas were present in both periods and that the newspapers frequently crystalized hegemonic discourse, contrary to Arabs and Muslims ones.