Yes / Professor Paul Rogers gives a brief overview of the present status of international legal prohibitions against both nuclear and chemical weapons. He then goes on to discuss the need to strengthen the 1972 Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention.

There is a certain tradition, pageantry, rivalry, and glory in college football. It is well known that college football can be a big time money maker and sometimes covers the costs of other athletic teams within a school. However, it is also recognized that many college football programs lose money or struggle to break even. Thus, there is tremendous variability that exists in the amount of resources a school may have and the outcomes in athletic success, while there is not always a one to one correspondence between the two. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the quantifiable determinants of success, considering both financial and nonfinancial variables. The pressure to win, and do so immediately; brand; and outdo other schools in the facility “arm’s race” has reached unprecedented levels.

No description available.

Major changes have occurred within the Swedish War Materiel Industry over the past decade. Sweden has transformed from being a truly neutral country, with uniquely restrictive war materiel exportation laws and policies, into being one of the ten largest exporters of war materiel in the world. Most of the manufactured war materiel in Sweden is now used for export. An increasing trend of export has made the Swedish War Materiel Trade Industry flourish. On the front stage, towards the public, Sweden is upholding its image of being a neutral country. Its doctrine is the same as it has been since the beginning of the 1990s: that Sweden has restrictive arms trade politics. It is true that Sweden has strict laws and guidelines concerning war material trade; according to these, export of war materiel is not allowed to countries where extensive human rights violations occur. Neither is it allowed to countries in armed conflict, where there is a fear that an armed conflict will occur nor to a State with domestic armed disturbances/conflicts. Also, Swedish war materiel trade should never be in conflict with its foreign policy goals, which are enhancing Sweden’s contribution to freedom, security, democracy, prosperity, and sustainable development in the world. Despite this, Swedish war materiel export has now reached the highest amount in Swedish history. Backstage, the view of export has changed and an export-oriented custom has taken hold. In the 1990s, Swedish war materiel production increased with an average of 5.5 percent every year. But over the past 4 years, the trend has increased drastically, especially due to the Iraq War. Since it broke out, the total export of war materiel has almost doubled. In 2006 it exceeded ten billion SEK, which means that during the past ten years, the Swedish arms trade industry has more than tripled – from three billion SEK per year to over ten billion SEK. Not only has Sweden increased its export of war materiel to the USA - in times of war - but also to countries where extensive violations of human rights occurs, for example India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Mexico, Thailand and Bahrain. The front stage behaviour and the backstage action contradict each other. There is a difference in rhetoric and practice. It is a paradox to appear neutral front stage when exporting war materiel to ‘critical States’ backstage. Somehow Sweden has come to facilitate a climate that allows this to happen. / I takt med att Sveriges export av krigsmateriel blir allt mindre restriktiv blir den också mer exportorienterad. Sverige är idag en av världens tionde största vapenexportörer. Förra året exporterades krigsmateriel för över tio miljarder kronor. Det är den största summan i Sveriges historia. Sveriges största krigsmaterielimportör är USA. Sedan Irakkriget bröt ut i Mars 2003, har Sveriges export av krigsmateriel till USA ökat markant. Sverige exporterar idag också krigsmateriel till ett flertal länder där grava kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter förekommer, trots dess väldigt restriktiva lagar och riktlinjer på detta område. Denna studie har avsikten att kasta ljus över Sveriges export av krigsmateriel; den belyser hur Sverige försöker upprätthålla sin fasad som ett neutralt land medan det bakom kulisserna paradoxalt nog exporteras mer och mer krigsmateriel till kritiska stater; helt i strid med dess lagar och riktlinjer. Genom att fokusera på händelseutvecklingen sedan Inspektionen för Strategiska Produkter bildades 1996 samt på vad denna nya myndighet har inneburit för Svensk Krigsmateriel Industri dras slutsatser om hur denna paradox kan fortlöpa. Detta är särskilt intressant eftersom Sverige idag står inför ett vägval då beslut kommer tas gällande nya riktlinjer för Sveriges vapenexport.

Yes / This paper examines arms trade regulation in the late 19th century and contributes to the literature on norms, arms regulation, humanitarian arms control and arms control as governmentality. I begin by examining the 1890 Brussels Act as an example of the first ‘Matryoshka doll’ of arms trade governance, a specific humanitarian initiative focused on regulating a particular class of weapons in a specified area. I suggest the Act represented an attempt to graft a regulatory arms trade norm onto an established anti-slavery norm and that it was more extensively implemented than has been recognised. I then locate the Act within the second Matryoshka doll of arms trade governance, the broader approach to prohibition operating in the era. In contrast to representations of the period as one of free trade in arms I demonstrate the extensive efforts to restrict the transfer of firearms to colonial subjects. Finally, I demonstrate how mechanisms of prohibition and permission constituted the practices of arms control as governmentality – the third matryoshka doll - where the concern was to define and manage which gradations of people could legitimately own, trade and use which gradations of weapons in what contexts. Overall, the paper challenges the optimistic assumptions in much of the literature on humanitarian arms control and arms trade norms. Instead, I suggest the merger of humanitarianism and arms control can reflect the influence of both good and bad norms; is not necessarily incompatible with colonialism, racism or imperial violence and can be congruent with liberal militarism. / Research Development Fund Publication Prize Award winner.

This briefing aims to highlight and clarify the importance of the availability and misuse of small arms and light weapons (SALW), and associated armed violence, for development programming in the areas of governance, security sector reform (SSR), and safety, security and access to justice (SSAJ). By doing so the effectiveness of governance, SSR and SSAJ programmes can be enhanced. Moreover, governance, SSR and SSAJ programmes can be developed to contribute more to the reduction of armed violence perpetrated with SALW and facilitated by their availability

This briefing paper examines relationships between armed violence affecting rural communities and efforts to maintain, restore and promote already fragile livelihoods. It is one of a series of briefings addressing issues surrounding the interaction between armed violence and poverty-reducing development. This paper seeks to provide an introduction for the staff of the UK government¿s Department for International Development (DFID) and other donor agencies to some of the issues raised in trying to make this connection and to stimulate thinking on these questions in analysis and policy. Some of the key questions to be addressed are: ¿ How can DFID¿s current sustainable rural livelihoods framework be applied to contexts of armed violence? ¿ What are the implications of these relationships for planning and programming rural development? ¿ Conversely, how might development interventions tackle the prevalence and spread of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and other factors fostering violence that affect livelihoods

yes / It is now widely recognised that, to be successful, efforts towards preventing and combating the illicit trade in SALW will require a multifaceted approach which simultaneously tackles the demand for and the supply of these weapons. In this regard, developing and promoting international norms, standards and mechanisms for the effective removal of illicit weapons from circulation is a major challenge for the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects. There are two distinct scenarios within which weapons collection initiatives operate: the peace-time scenario, where efforts are focused on reducing criminal violence; and the postconflict scenario, where efforts are focused on the objective of conflict prevention through peace-building.

No / A major original research project, commissioned by France (Ministry of Defence), to contribute to an EU (and also an international), policy process to prevent and combat illegal SALW transfers during transit. Greene was co-director and a core researcher for this project, playing a leading role in its design, field work, and analysis. Involved substantial interviews and engagement with EU and Eastern European governments, customs, air transport control and other authorities; presented at a cross-governmental workshop for the French Government and for European Commission, and extensively used in the subsequent policy process.

No / The military dimension of the Cold War was characterised by the strategic nuclear stand-off between the United States and the Soviet Union as well as the large-scale regional military confrontation in Central Europe. As part of the process of East-West détente there was an effort to address the risks of war in Europe by means of an arms control process referred to as MBFR (Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions). The true purposes and intentions of both sides (NATO and the Warsaw Pact) in these negotiations has so far not been fully understood. This book is based on path-breaking archival research that clarifies the objectives and tactics of the parties to the negotiations and the reasons for why the negotiations ended without an agreement. It makes a major new contribution to the understanding of Cold War History.