Arms export research has largely focused on the behaviour of superpowers or major powers, while arms export behaviour of small democracies has received little attention. By using a quantitative method, this paper explored whether democracy had any impact on the arms export behaviour of small democracies. The argument was that a good international social reputation, as responsible global actors, would cause indirect pressure on small democratic states to follow democratic norms, and therefore make them avoid arms export to autocracies. The findings did not support the argument of democratic norms to have a negative relation to arms export to autocratic regimes. Additionally, the findings indicate that economic wealth is positively correlated to arms export to autocratic regimes.

Arms export to developing countries is heavily debated. Scholars have presented arguments about both why arms export may be beneficial and why it may be detrimental to development of the receiving country, and empirical results are inconclusive. Existing literature has focused on a broad range of outcomes rather than solely on the developmental aspects of the receiving country. Therefore a remarkable dispute and gap exist in the literature regarding the relationship between arms export and the receiving country’s level of development. In this study I argue that arms export to developing countries will increase the receiving country’s level of development. Development is defined as human rights, strong institutions and economic growth. The empirical findings, based on the comparative analysis of Chile and Argentina 2002-12, indicates support for the hypothesis. The economic growth criteria received the strongest support but also, to a lesser extent, the criteria of human rights and strong institutions. However, in order to draw any greater generalizable conclusion, a greater number of cases needs to be examined as well as the testing for alternative explanations. Such as if the empirically found causality is a case of reverse causation or how the two cases' different processes in their return to democracy had an impact on their level of development.

This thesis explores the changing prerequisites for accountability in terms of Swedish arms export. The study aims to uncover what has happened with the conditions for accountability in Sweden since the responsibility for export control was transferred from the government to the public administration. By investigating how the term “accountability” has been used in the literature of democratic theory, an abstract ideal model is being created.  Comparing the changed structural arrangements, with each other and the ideal model, it is concluded that the prerequisites for accountability now seems to be in a worse state than they were before.

My contribution is focused to a modest framework creation for asylum-immigration theory. By means of arms-export data from 17 Western European countries, tested against inflow of asylum seekers to these countries, covering the past 26 years, it is clear that arms-export from these countries do not contribute to their own asylum-inflow. The main theoretical contribution to existing literature on arms export and migration is therefore that I separate plausible causes of outgoing migration (arms export to countries from where asylum flows are generated) from determinants of asylum immigration. Empirically, I disprove such hypothetical indirect connections put forward both within academic literature and by NGOs like Amnesty International. Instead, I find the counter-intuitive, namely that increased arms export leads to less asylum immigration. Also, in contrast to previous literature on asylum immigration, I build on Granovetter (1973) and propose that diffusion of information through asylum networks depend on weak social connections as opposed to close relationships like ethnic bonds, family ties and friendships. In addition, I problematize the tendency of existing literature to treat asylum seekers as labor migrants and argue for a framework founded on principles which account for the unique circumstances and life situations faced by asylum seekers. In doing so I also extend on previous quantitative works and find that crucial determinants for inflow are signified by the generosity of the welfare state, absence of far right sentiments, and religious diversity. The wealth of a country, its general quality of life, its linguistic and ethnic fractionalization, do not appear to matter.

My contribution is focused to a modest framework creation for asylum-immigration theory. By means of arms-export data from 17 Western European countries, tested against inflow of asylum seekers to these countries, covering the past 26 years, it is clear that arms-export from these countries do not contribute to their own asylum-inflow. The main theoretical contribution to existing literature on arms export and migration is therefore that I separate plausible causes of outgoing migration (arms export to countries from where asylum flows are generated) from determinants of asylum immigration. Empirically, I disprove such hypothetical indirect connections put forward both within academic literature and by NGOs like Amnesty International. Instead, I find the counter-intuitive, namely that increased arms export leads to less asylum immigration. Also, in contrast to previous literature on asylum immigration, I build on Granovetter (1973) and propose that diffusion of information through asylum networks depend on weak social connections as opposed to close relationships like ethnic bonds, family ties and friendships. In addition, I problematize the tendency of existing literature to treat asylum seekers as labor migrants and argue for a framework founded on principles which account for the unique circumstances and life situations faced by asylum seekers. In doing so I also extend on previous quantitative works and find that crucial determinants for inflow are signified by the generosity of the welfare state, absence of far right sentiments, and religious diversity. The wealth of a country, its general quality of life, its linguistic and ethnic fractionalization, do not appear to matter.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the regulatory power, efficiency and impact of export control on Swedish arms export from the 1980s onwards, linked to the delegation of authority of permit license to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products in 1997. An increase in the administrative sector, based on a collective decision making process and established criteria and guidelines, aimed to strengthen the control of arms export to non-democratic and problematic states. In short, the aim of the study is to investigate and analyze whether there was a decrease in the arms export to problematic states or not. On one hand, it is reasonable to assume that the introduction of the new regulation entailed a more strict arms export policy. However, previous research has showed that regulations are sometimes not effective since incentives to breach these may be present. The study begins by examining the Swedish case and situation in terms of arms manufacturing and export, as well as the delegation of authority and legislation applied to the field over time. The general conclusion is that the legislature regulations and guidelines are vague in their design, as well as outdated, accompanied by the fact that new concepts, terms and classifications are introduced. The statistics are then approached by way of the analysis of the volume and composition of the trade and of the number and shares of problematic export in relation, based on the classifications of recipients regarding political freedoms and democratic rights. Finally, a correlation analysis is conducted and shares of problematic export is compared with the total arms export over time in order to interpret development. The results indicate that the delegation of authority regarding permit licensing to the Inspectorate of Strategic Products has not led to a decrease in the numbers of disputed shares. What is more, the study demonstrates that the delegation has led to a decrease in the responsibility concerning the arms export authority that can be correlated to the continuous high levels of disputed export, which might be approved. The existence of generic guidelines that are open to interpretation combined with an outdated set of legislature, plays a large role in this.

As an arms-exporting state, Sweden has certain legal responsibilities to ensure that licences authorizing arms exports are in line with existing laws, policies and guidelines. Apart from that, the government has an ethical responsibility to ensure that arms are not exported to countries where they are used to oppress the population and commit human rights abuses. Despite this, questionable and unethical deals are authorized without any accountability being demanded. The main purpose of the essay is to perform a critical ethical analysis of the Swedish arms trade policy, to develop the application of policies in relation to arms trade, and to suggest additional criteria to make this trade more ethically justifiable. Among other things, it is asked whether different goals and principles come into conflict, and if they do, does the “right” goal or principle win? Also, which criteria are necessary to make arms trade ethically justifiable? The essay outlines some additional criteria which could be useful in making the trade ethically justifiable and performs a text analysis on selected documents relating to the arms trade in order to delineate where the inherent issues lie. The conclusion reached is that the different policies, mostly, harmonize, although security and human rights concerns sometimes conflict, which leads to potential serious outcomes. The existing legal and policy framework provides for a robust foundation, although inadequate as contentious arms exports are authorized. However, the imposition of the suggested criteria, especially criteria pertaining to establishing responsibility and accountability in the existing structures, should prove useful. / Sverige har, som en vapenexporterande stat, en laglig förpliktelse att säkerställa att licenser som godkänner vapenexporter är i linje med existerande lag, policy och riktlinjer. Utöver det har regeringen ett etiskt ansvar att säkerställa att vapen inte exporteras till länder där de används för att förtrycka invånarna och begå människorättsbrott. Trots detta auktoriseras tvivelaktiga och oetiska exporter utan att någon hålls ansvarig. Huvudsyftet med uppsatsen är att utföra en kritisk etisk analys på svensk vapenexportpolicy, att utveckla tillämpningen av policy i relation till vapenexporten och att föreslå ytterligare kriterier för att säkerställa att exporten blir mer etisk berättigad. Bland annat ställs frågan om olika mål/principer kommer i konflikt med varandra, och om de gör det, vinner det ”rätta” målet/principen? Vilka kriterier är nödvändiga för att göra vapenexporten etiskt berättigad? Uppsatsen föreslår några ytterligare kriterier som kan tänkas vara användbara i strävandet att göra exporten mer etisk berättigad och utför en textgranskning samt analys på utvalda dokument som har ett samband med exporten för att utröna vari konflikter förekommer. Den nådda slutsatsen är att de olika policyerna, för det mesta, harmoniserar med varandra, dock föreligger det ibland en konflikt mellan mänskliga rättigheter och säkerhetsintressen, en konflikt som kan få potentiellt allvarliga konsekvenser. De existerande lagarna och policy tillhandahåller en robust grund, dock är den otillräcklig då problematiska exporter fortfarande förekommer. Dock skulle införandet av de föreslagna kriterierna, framförallt kriterierna som handlar om att etablera ansvar och ansvarskrävande i de existerande strukturerna, vara användbara.

The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is a man-made famine. The concept of famine crimes has been introduced to problematise and criminalise conduct that leads to the creation of famine. According to an analytical framework proposed by Marcus (2003) there are four categories of famine crimes, which constitute four degrees of conduct through which famines are created, sustained or not prevented. A pivotal role in the creation of the famine in Yemen is played by Saudi Arabia, that relies on the import of military equipment to conduct a military intervention in Yemen. Through Common Position 2008/944/CFSP, the European Member States committed themselves to eight criteria against which arms licence applications are tested. This aims to prevent arms deliveries to questionable receivers, yet various EU Member States export military equipment to Saudi Arabia. In this thesis, the famine crimes framework is applied to foreign actors in a case study of the EU arms trade to Saudi Arabia between 2015 and 2019. The research project answers the question: what insights about the European Union’s role in the creation of famine in Yemen can be gained from the application of the famine crimes framework to the European Union’s arms trade to Saudi Arabia? Since Saudi Arabia violated international humanitarian law in Yemen and used EU-produced arms to do so, the Common Position requires EU Member States to pursue restraint in arms export to Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, the number of licences that were approved by European Member States, as well as their value, declined after 2015. However, there were notable fluctuations and the Member States adopted differing approaches. As such, the EU as a collective body appeared unable to prevent arms exports to Saudi Arabia. In the application of the famine crimes framework, it becomes clear that this inability can be interpreted as a famine crime.Altogether, this exploratory study provides insights into the role of foreign actors in the creation of famine by applying the famine crimes framework. Further research on the extent to which the EU as a collective body could enhance compliance with the Common Position and prevent exports to questionable receivers could be performed to better categorise its conduct within the framework. Further research could also explore the role of other foreign actors and apply the famine crimes framework to other case studies.

This master thesis deals with the effects of the EU arms trade law on the Czech legal environment. In its descriptive part, it maps respective EU and Czech legislation. In its analytical part, it examines the impacts of the EU law upon Czech export proceedings. (Notably, as far as the EU Code of Conduct on Arms Trade is concerned.) In its conclusion, it makes several propositions towards the Czech and the European lawgiver.

In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.