The central aim of the thesis is to investigate the myriad ideological 'thought-practices' of Cameronism by placing the composition and content of Cameronism in the context of the problem of Thatcherism's legacy. This problem is namely a problem of the gap between intentions and outcomes. The thesis identifies three discreet, but also overlapping, ideological developments that take root in the late 1980s/early 1990s: (1) the steadfast commitment to reducing the size and scope of the central state; (2) the recognition that neo-liberal economics is a necessary but insufficient precondition for the delivery of wider Conservative outcomes; and (3) the rediscovery and commitment to the renewal of civil society as an alternative to state intervention in response to the perceived failures of neo-liberalism. The thesis examines the application of these ideological developments in Cameronism, both in theory and practice. Furthermore, it examines the political-thought practices of Cameronism in the context of the Coalition Government. Finally, the thesis analyses a serious Conservative ideological threat to Cameronite Conservatism, concluding that Cameronism is a distinct, decodable and distinctive Conservatism, which has been quickly eclipsed by other Conservatisms, namely the Conservatism of the New New Right, which is much closer to the Thatcherism that Cameronism was resolutely trying to adjust. British Conservatism has thus come full circle: the market society vision of Thatcherism, which Cameronism was trying to ideologically supplement, has been restored as the best and surest way to achieve the Conservative aim of a limited conception of politics.

nÃo hà / In a recent period with significant and increasing participation by subnational governments â mainly in emerging countries composed by federated states â in international economic relations, this article intends to analyze the influence of macroeconomic, fiscal and politic variables policies at raising the necessary funds by Cearà State from international organizations. CearÃâs austere fiscal management and pro-activeness financial paradiplomacy have provided the credibility needed to get external loans from multilateral and bilateral agencies. The average annual amount of this fund raising is R$ 160 million during the period from 1999 to 2008, representing 40% of the total volume. Thus, based on an ad hoc linear multivariate framework, we can evidence the fiscal reform positive impact, besides the negative influence caused by changes of State executive power management. These loans were also influenced positively by the relative offer and mainly by parallel paradiplomacy effort so that an increase in this variable by 1% implies the increase of 0.22% in fund raising. / Em um cenÃrio recente de participaÃÃo significativa e crescente por parte dos governos subnacionais â principalmente nos paÃses emergentes compostos por estados federados â nas relaÃÃes econÃmicas internacionais, este estudo se propÃe a analisar a influÃncia de variÃveis macroeconÃmicas, fiscais e polÃticas na captaÃÃo de recursos junto a ÃrgÃos internacionais pelo estado do CearÃ. A gestÃo fiscal austera e a prÃ-atividade paradiplomÃtica financeira deste estado tÃm proporcionado a credibilidade necessÃria para contratar emprÃstimos externos com as agÃncias multilaterais e bilaterais, sendo o montante anual mÃdio desta captaÃÃo de R$ 160 milhÃes durante o perÃodo de 1999 a 2008, representando 40% do volume total nacional. Assim, a partir de um arcabouÃo ad hoc linear multivariado, à possÃvel evidenciar o impacto positivo alcanÃado pela reforma fiscal do CearÃ, alÃm da influÃncia negativa causada pelas mudanÃas de gestÃo do poder executivo estadual. Estas operaÃÃes de crÃdito foram influenciadas positivamente pela oferta destinada ao estado vis-Ã-vis o montante nacional e principalmente pelo esforÃo de uma diplomacia paralela, de forma que um aumento nesta variÃvel em 1% implica no aumento de 0,22% na captaÃÃo de recursos externos.

My diploma thesis is focused on processing of an energy audit of an apartment buil-ding in accordance with the Decree 480/2012 Coll. as amended. In the theoretical part I deal with the revitalization of residential and prefabricated houses both in classical ways and with modern technologies. In the practical part is processed analysis of ener-gy consumption of the apartment building in Kyjov in the initial state. In the last part is the energy audit of the apartment building, where are suggested precautions and then proposed the option for implementation.

This thesis investigates the effects of fiscal consolidations on income inequality. Although fiscal consolidations have become a popular economic research topic, their effects on income inequality, which itself has gained broad popularity lately, are relatively unexplored. Therefore, this thesis econometrically assesses the development of Gini coefficients during and after austerity measures. The paper applies regression analysis with panel data techniques using a sample of 17 high-income countries during the period of 1978 - 2009. It finds that a consolidation, measured by a deliberate improvement of the primary budget balance significantly increases income inequality of the referring country. In detail, an improvement of the primary budget balance about one percent of GDP is associated with an increase in market income inequality of 0.6% and a smaller increase in net income inequality in the year after. Moreover, this thesis explores the discretionary effect of different consolidation compositions. To do so, it introduces a novel approach to differentiate between consolidations that are either exclusively undertaken through spending cuts, tax increases or a combination of both. Thereby, it is found that especially tax-only consolidations tend to be equality-friendly but also rather small in size...

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Social work practice in child welfare is widely acknowledged as a challenging field. Most social workers who choose to enter this field of practice do so with the knowledge that they will be exposed to difficult, at times traumatic, situations. They expect that the job will be stressful; that they will need to manage complex and challenging cases; and they will do so with few resources and often little public support. They also expect to be supported by their workplace in carrying out their mandated roles, however increasingly, a disconnect exists between those administer child welfare services and their understanding of front-line work (Herbert, 2007). Social workers’ wellbeing in child protection practice is directly affected by workplace culture; a subject that is often unexamined when addressing the high turnover of staff in the field. Instead, workers who leave child welfare practice – as well as though who stay while experiencing compassion fatigue or vicarious trauma - are viewed by administrators as being unsuitable for the work, a way of individualizing systemic issues (La Rose, 2009). This study sought to understand the ways that the culture of the workplace contributes to worker experiences of vicarious trauma, compassion fatigue and burnout. Survey research was conducted anonymously with child protection workers in Southern Ontario to understand the aspects of workplace culture that child welfare workers find helpful and supportive in managing the day-to-day of their work, as well as in addressing mental health in the workplace. From the seventy responses that were received, a number of themes emerged including Workplace Culture; Worker Well-being; Agency Support; Safety; Systemic Issues and Training. In this study, participants identified informal peer support and reflexive, supportive supervision as key areas that either sustained their practice or worsened their experiences. Workplace culture emerged as a significant factor in determining worker well-being and resiliency. Survey participants provided examples that illustrated clearly the ways in which neo-liberal policies and austerity measures have contributed to a workplace culture in which workers expressed feeling replaceable, devalued, and in precarious situations. Cutbacks to services and staffing, crushing workload and increasingly complex client situations contribute to the sense of being overwhelmed experienced by workers. Addressing experiences of compassion fatigue and vicarious trauma requires a paradigm shift from exclusively individual responsibility and towards an understanding of the broader systemic context and organizational responsibility (Antonopoulou, 2017; Mathieu, 2012; van Dernoot Lipsky, 2009). Organizational strategies to support worker wellbeing are shown to be significant factors in addressing and preventing compassion fatigue and vicarious trauma, ultimately preventing burnout and staff turnover. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)

Esta dissertação objetiva discutir as tensões que o Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) tem sofrido no recente contexto de crise de democracia política e social no país. Em diálogo com a literatura que discute os efeitos das políticas de austeridade econômica nas políticas sociais, especificamente as de saúde, pergunta-se: como os efeitos da crise atual entendendo que se trata de uma crise complexa que tem como marco os eventos de 2013 e 2016, tem se manifestado concretamente nas políticas de saúde? Neste trabalho optou-se por estudar o financiamento do SUS como um eixo operacional fundamental e que reflete dinâmicas políticas mais amplas. A análise das dinâmicas de financiamento do SUS teve como foco o Estado de SP e os seus efeitos na Atenção Primária em Saúde (APS). Considera-se como hipótese que a queda da arrecadação tributária vinculada à retração da atividade econômica industrial no estado em decorrência das crises financeira, política e institucional que o país atravessa desde 2013 vem contribuindo para a estagnação dos investimentos públicos na saúde. Os resultados desta discussão sugerem que os limites de gastos estabelecidos pela Emenda Constitucional no 95/2016 estabelecem uma limitação direta sobre o financiamento público do sistema e suas consequências sobre a APS serão particularmente danosas no quadro epidemiológico mais amplo do país e do estado, caso não haja mudança no processo político em curso, conforme revela um conjunto de indicadores financeiros e sociais analisados neste trabalho / This dissertation aims to discuss the tensions that the Unified Health System (SUS) has suffered in the recent context of a crisis of political and social democracy in the country. In dialogue with the literature that discusses the effects of economic austerity policies on social policies, specifically health policies, we ask: how the effects of the current crisis - understanding that it is a complex crisis that has as a frame the events of 2013 2016, has it manifested itself concretely in health policies? In this study, we chose to study SUS financing as a fundamental operational axis and that reflects broader political dynamics. The analysis of the financing dynamics of SUS focused on the State of São Paulo and its effects on Primary Health Care (PHC). It is considered as a hypothesis that the fall in tax revenue linked to the retraction of industrial economic activity in the state because of the financial, political and institutional crises that the country has been undergoing since 2013 has contributed to the stagnation of public investments in health. The results of this discussion suggest that the spending limits established by Constitutional Amendment 95/2016 will establish a direct limitation on the public financing of the system and its consequences on PHC will be particularly harmful in the broader epidemiological framework of the country and state, if not there is a change in the current political process, as revealed by a set of financial and social indicators analyzed in this work

The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.

The study is intended to identify relevant channels and possibly biasing factors with respect to fiscal multipliers, and thus to contribute to improving the precision of multiplier forecasts. This is done by, first, defining the concept of the multiplier used in the present study, presenting the main theoretical channels of influence as discussed in the literature and the problems of empirical identification. Second, by conducting a meta-regression analysis on the reported multipliers from a unique data set of 1069 multiplier observations and the respective study characteristics in order to derive quantitative stylzed facts. Third, by developing a simple multiplier model that explicitly takes into account the time elapse of the multiplier process as an explanatory factor that has been largely overlooked by the relevant theoretical literature. Fourth, by identifying, for US macroeconomic time series data, the extent to which fiscal multiplier estimates could be biased in the presence of financial cycles that have not been taken into account by the relevant empirical literature.

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