Med den nya omvärldsutvecklingen där NATO moderniserar sitt missilförsvar i Europa samt att Ryssland har placerat taktiska ballistiska robotar i Kaliningrad påverkade Sveriges behov till att anskaffa förmågan att bekämpa ballistiska robotar. Sverige har därför anskaffat Patriotsystemet, dock utan att tillföra ett radarsystem för att invisa ballistiska robotar till luftvärnsförbandet. Missilförsvar är ett väl utforskat område, allt från bekämpningsförlopp till hur en sensorkedja ska se ut. Forskningen tar däremot inte upp vilka förutsättningar ett nyanskaffat radarsystem behöver innefatta för att bidra till att invisa ballistiska robotar för luftvärnsförbanden. I uppsatsen genomfördes en modellering, teknisk analys, där teorin missilförsvar en kedja av event nyttjades för att härleda krav på radarprestanda. En analys om hur organisationerna idag nyttjar radarsystem och hur de tekniska och taktiska kraven påverkar organisationen genomfördes med konceptet militär nytta. Resultatet visar att organisationen där radarsystemet tillförs behövde kompletteras med ett sensorkompani och säkerhetsförband för att uppfylla kravet till invisning. Mot bakgrunden av det scenario som togs fram för undersökning visar den tekniska analysen att radarn vara fordonsburen samt ha en räckvidd på 500 km och en höjdtäckning på 50 km. Den måste även vara kompatibel med Patriotsystemet samt en sensorkedja för strategiskt partnerskap. / With the new developments in international affairs, where NATO modernizes its missile defense system in Europe and Russia has placed tactical ballistic missiles in Kaliningrad, Sweden needs to acquire the ability to combat ballistic missiles. Sweden has therefore acquired the Patriot system, however without adding an early warning radar for the Air defense against ballistic missile. Missile defense is a well-explored area, ranging from missile defense events to how a sensor chain should function. The research does not, however, discuss the abilities an acquired radar system needs to help guide ballistic missiles for Air defense units. In this essay, a modeling and a technical analysis based on the theory Missile defense a chain of events are used to conclude requirements for radar performance. An analysis of how the organizations use radar systems today and how the technical requirements affect the organizations was implemented with the concept Military utility. The result indicates the organization there the radar system will be implemented needs to be reinforced with a sensor company and a security unit to meet the requirement for guidance. The background of the scenario that has been developed for the analysis shows that the radar should be integrated to a vehicle, have a range of 500 kilometers and a height coverage of 50 kilometers. Battle management systems must also be compatible with the Patriot system and the sensor chain for strategic partnership.

Canada consistently balances competing inclinations for proximity and distance with the United States. Yet the extant literature on Canadian foreign policy has rarely focused on this particular behaviour trait or readily accepted that such an ambiguous stance is actually underpinned by a strategic logic, let alone the crux of a purported grand strategy. And the few that that are open to the notion of a Canadian grand strategy often overlook the domestic decision-making determinants of behaviour, are largely empirical-descriptive in content, or are chronologically limited to either the early Cold War or a few key foreign policy episodes. This dissertation rectifies these shortcomings by providing a theoretical-explanatory and empirically-informed account of Canada’s post-war grand strategy, in which its domestic origins, strategic policies, and cultural predispositions are all carefully explored. It does so by applying the cultural-cybernetic model of behaviour, which combines strategic cultural factors that guide policy-makers on security matters with cybernetic policy processes, through which beliefs, inclinations, and policy choices are standardized and regularized as distinct doctrines across a range of foreign, defence, and security policies. It tests this model on two key cases of Canadian grand strategy in the post-war period: (1) Canada’s policy responses to American preferences on strategic (air and missile) defence over some six decades, and (2) its policy responses to US – and to a lesser extent British – strategic preferences on NATO defence strategy during the Cold War. The findings reveal that Canada’s strategic policies fluctuated between the two Standing Operational Doctrines in its policy repertoire: continental soft-bandwagoning and defensive weak-multilateralism. These two doctrines span the range of feasible policy options – the “goldilocks zone” – required to ensure that any trade-offs between security and sovereignty, as the central values being pursued in the cybernetic process, are minimized. It is for this reason that Canada’s strategic behaviour has a high degree of policy continuity, patterned consistency, and is best described as the goldilocks grand strategy.

Abstract The focus of this paper is to discuss ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems and their impact on international relations. I have a profound interest in the correlation between technological innovation/improvement and changes in international politics. I have therefore chosen the impact of BMD on global politics as the subject of discussion in my paper. I begin the discussion by describing the technological segment of Ballistic Missile Defense systems, after which I indulge in the political aspect of it. There are three primary actors in the field: the United States of America, China, Russia. These three are the main focus of the debate, though not the only ones. During the Cold War it was the USA and Russia which pursued BMDS with most vigor, with China keeping a close eye on their progress as well as initiating its own BMD program. The emergence of the “New World Order” in the aftermath of the Cold War resulted in restructuring and re-organizing of the countries` strategic thinking, interests as well as defenses. The strongly criticized 2002 US withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty of 1972 became the latest milestone in the sphere of strategic defenses. US withdrawal from the Treaty paves way for a new kind of arms race between the three major powers of today: USA, China, Russia. My conclusion is that US policy regarding strategic defenses is completely unacceptable. The US quest for “invulnerability”, by many experts seen as futile, is extremely dangerous and just another proof that USA continues to relentlessly pursue complete global military, political and economic domination. The international community, with China and Russia leading, must not ignore US strategic defense ambitions and it must act today. Tomorrow might be too late.

This thesis deals with the communication campaign of the government of the Czech Republic with regard to the possible Czech participation at the project of the US anti-missile defense system. The project was implemented by the Czech government following the official request from the USA on January 19, 2007, consequently the Czech answer to this request on March 28, 2007. From the foundation of the Czech Republic it was the third communication campaign related to the question of the Czech sovereignty and to the position of the Czech Republic within the international community. The previous campaigns referred to the acceptance of the Czech Republic to the EU and NATO. The objective of the thesis is focused on tracing methods and specifics of the Czech governmental communication of that issue towards the Czech public. Content and formal features of the particular communication materials were analyzed by quantitative and qualitative content methods. The governmental information campaign on the radar device, respectively on the issue of the anti-missile defense system can be framed in the time period of May 25, 2007 and March 31, 2008, when the governmental commissioner for the communication of the project, Tomáš Klvaňa, was in charge. The author of the thesis is concentrated particularly on the part of...

AFRIKAANS: In hierdie proefskrif word wapenbeheer en ontwapening 5005 dit na die Koue Oorlog op globale-, streek-(spesifiek Afrika) en nasionale (spesifiek Suid-Afrika) vlakke toegepas is ondersoek en ontleed. Die doel van die studie is om bestaande kennis op 'n oorsigtelike gekonsolideerde wyse, veral ten opsigte van Afrika en Suid-Afrika uit te brei omdat 'n behoefte in die opsig met die indiening van die navorsingsvoorstel geïdentifiseer is; om aan te toon dat wapenbeheer en ontwapening selfs na die beëindiging van die Koue oorlog steeds wëreldwyd van kardinale belang is; en dat daar na die Koue Oortog ongekende sukses op globale vlak, in Afrika tot 'n mindere mate, en in Suid-Afrika groot sukses met wapenbeheer en ontwapening behaal is. 'n Radikale verandering in binnelandse en buitelandse beleid deur Suid-Afrika het tot gevolg gehad dat Suid-Afrika in die vroeë negentigerjare die eerste staat in die wêreld geword het wat kemontwapening algeheel toegepas het. Suid-Afrika se chemiese en biologiese oorlogvoe¬ringprogramme is ook in die vroeë negentigerjare beëindig. Die demokratisering van die politieke bestel in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het ook grootskaalse betrokkenheid van die Suid¬-Afrikaanse regering by wapenbeheer en ontwapening op globale-, streek- en nasionale vlakke tot gevolg gehad. Die doel van die studie is ook om aan te toon tot watter mate die bëeindiging van die Koue Oortog 'n invloed op wapenbeheer en ontwapening gehad het. Die beëindiging van die Koue Oorlog was 'n resultaat van 'n radikale verandering in binnelandse en buitelandse beleid deur die voormalige Sowjet-Unie. Die studie aangaande wapenbeheer en ontwapening na die Koue Oorlog word voorafgegaan deur 'n ontleding van die teoretiese konsepte van wapenbeheer en ontwapening en die ontwikkeling van die konsepte deur teoretici van die twintigste eeu. Die benaderings met wapenbeheer en ontwapening soos deur hierdie teoretici ontwikkel, word dan ook in die studie toegepas op die verdrae en ooreenkomste wat na die Koue Oorlog onderteken en/of geratifiseer is. Die metode van ondersoek wat vir die bestudering van die onderwerp gevolg is, is histories-beskrywend en analities van aard. Die doeI hiermee was om die verskillende wapenkategorieë en tydperke af te baken en dan vas te stel tot hoe 'n mate wapenbeheer en ontwapening globaal, en meer spesifiek op streek-(Afrika) en nasionale (Suid-Afrika) vlakke na die Koue Oorlog toegepas is. Wapenbeheer en ontwapening soos voor en na die Koue Oorlog toegepas, word ooreenkomstig die teorie, soos in hoofstuk 1 uiteengesit, beoordeel. Die prosedure wat met die navorsing gevolg is, is soos volg: selektering van boeke, dokumente, tydskrifte, nuusblaaie en publikasies van verskillende aard; dataversameling en bestudering van tekse; data-ontleding ten einde vas te stel watter toepaslik is; die proses van vertolking en interpretering van die inligting; toepassing van inligting; evaluasie; en die vorming van gevolgtrekkings. ENGLISH: In this dissertation the processes of arms control and disarmament as implemented at global, regional (Africa) and national (South Africa) levels are investigated and analysed. The purpose of the study is to widen existing knowledge in a consolidated manner, especially with regard to Africa and South Africa. A need in this regard was identified with the submission of the proposal for the study. A further purpose of the study is to indicate that arms control and disarmament, even after the end of the Cold War, is still of utmost importance; and that success of formerly unknown proportions was obtained with arms control and disarmament after the Cold War on the global level, to a lesser extent in Africa, and with great success in South Africa. A radical change in internal as well as foreign policy by the South African government resulted in South Africa being the first state in the world to implement total nuclear disarmament in the early nineties. South Africa's chemical and biological warfare programs were also terminated in the early nineties. The democratisation of the political environment in South Africa in 1994 resulted in South Africa becoming involved in arms control and disarmament at global, regional and national levels. The purpose of the study is also to illustrate to what extent the ending of the Cold War had an influence on arms control and disarmament. The end of the Cold War was a result of a radical change in internal as well as foreign policies of the former Soviet Union. The study of arms control and disarmament after the Cold War is preceded by an analysis of the theoretical concepts of arms control and disarmament by twentieth century theorists. The approaches to arms control and disarmament, as developed by these theorists, are then applied to treaties and agreements, which were signed/ ratified before and after the Cold War. The method of investigation that was followed for the study was historically descriptive and analytical of nature. The purpose was to differentiate between the different categories of weapons and the different periods during which arms control and disarmament were implemented since the earliest times and during and after the Cold War. The approaches to arms control and disarmament, during and after the Cold War, are also assessed according to the theory as explained in chapter 1. The procedure which was followed whilst doing research for the study was as follows: The selection of books, documents, magazines, newspapers, and publications of various nature; compilation and studying of data; analysis of data to establish which would be appropriate to use; the process of interpretation of the information; application; evaluation and forming of conclusions. <p / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

A systematic customer value assessment process (CVAP) was developed to give system engineering teams the capability to qualitatively and quantitatively assess customer values. It also provides processes and techniques used to create and identify alternatives, evaluate alternatives in terms of effectiveness, cost, and risk. The ultimate goal is to provide customers (or decision makers) with objective and traceable procurement recommendations. The creation of CVAP was driven by an industry need to provide ballistic missile defense (BMD) customers with a value proposition of contractors’ BMD systems. The information that outputs from CVAP can be used to guide BMD contractors in formulating a value proposition, which is used to steer customers to procure their BMD system(s) instead of competing system(s). The outputs from CVAP also illuminate areas where systems can be improved to stay relevant with customer values by identifying capability gaps. CVAP incorporates proven approaches and techniques appropriate for military applications. However, CVAP is adaptable and may be applied to business, engineering, and even personal every-day decision problems and opportunities. CVAP is based on the systems decision process (SDP) developed by Gregory S. Parnell and other systems engineering faculty at the Unites States Military Academy (USMA). SDP combines Value-Focused Thinking (VFT) decision analysis philosophy with Multi-Objective Decision Analysis (MODA) quantitative analysis of alternatives. CVAP improves SDP’s qualitative value model by implementing Quality Function Deployment (QFD), solution design implements creative problem solving techniques, and the qualitative value model by adding cost analysis and risk assessment processes practiced by the U.S DoD and industry. CVAP and SDP fundamentally differ from other decision making approaches, like the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) and the Technique for Order of Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS), by distinctly separating the value/utility function assessment process with the ranking of alternatives. This explicit value assessment allows for straightforward traceability of the specific factors that influence decisions, which illuminates the tradeoffs involved in making decisions with multiple objectives. CVAP is intended to be a decision support tool with the ultimate purpose of helping decision makers attain the best solution and understanding the differences between the alternatives. CVAP does not include any processes for implementation of the alternative that the customer selects. CVAP is applied to ballistic missile defense (BMD) to give contractors ideas on how to use it. An introduction of BMD, unique BMD challenges, and how CVAP can improve the BMD decision making process is presented. Each phase of CVAP is applied to the BMD decision environment. CVAP is applied to a fictitious BMD example.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The United States Navy requires radical and innovative ways to model and design multifunction phased array radars. This thesis puts forth the concept that Genetic Algorithms, computer simulations that mirror the natural selection process to develop creative solutions to complex problems, would be extremely well suited in this application. The capability of a Genetic Algorithm to predict adequately the behavior of an array antenna with randomly located elements was verified with expected results through the design, construction, development and evaluation of a test-bed array. The test-bed array was constructed of commercially available components, including a unique and innovative application of a quadrature modulator microchip used in commercial communications applications. Corroboration of predicted beam patterns from both Genetic Algorithm and Method of Moments calculations was achieved in anechoic chamber measurements conducted with the test-bed array. Both H-plane and E-plane data runs were made with several phase steered beams. In all cases the measured data agreed with that predicted from both modeling programs. Although time limited experiments to beam forming and steering with phase shifting, the test-bed array is fully capable of beam forming and steering though both phase shifting and amplitude tapering. / Outstanding Thesis / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

My doctoral project investigates the impact of Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative on transatlantic relations during the period 1983-86. The dissertation focuses on the three main European powers, namely Britain, France, and the Federal Republic of Germany, and examines their reaction to SDI both individually and comparatively. The study exploits SDI’s position at the intersection of nuclear strategy, political ideology, Cold War diplomacy, and industrial politics to offer a multifaceted, multi-national, and primary source-based analysis of US-European relations during the Reagan Presidency. The picture of the transatlantic relationship which emerges from the dissertation is a complex and nuanced one. On the one hand, the analysis argues that relations across the Atlantic during the Reagan era cannot be reduced to a scenario of accelerating ‘drift’ between the United States and Western Europe. Instead, on SDI as well as on other matters, moments of acute friction alternated with a constantly renewed search for dialogue, cooperation, and compromise on the part of the Europeans and also, if to a lesser degree, of the Americans. On the other hand, the ‘exceptionalist’ ideology and worldview underpinning SDI, the prevailing indifference in Washington to its implications for NATO, and most importantly the persistent anti-nuclear rhetoric and ambitions associated with the initiative revealed a distinct lack of sensitivity to European interest by the Reagan administration. As the dissertation shows, the anti-nuclear drive inherent in SDI, which both reflected and reinforced Reagan’s deep-seated interest in nuclear abolition, constituted the most disruptive aspect of the initiative from the viewpoint of European leaders. In these respects, the SDI controversy epitomises the unilateral tendencies and increasingly divergent priorities from those of the European allies which characterised much of the Reagan administration’s foreign policy – making the 1980s a decade of recurrent tensions in transatlantic relations.

This is a historic structure report for the C-47 Nike missile launch site in Wheeler, Indiana. This report provides a description, condition assessment, and recommendation for restoration of the site since it has sustained damage from weather, fire, and vandals. The site is listed on the State Register and National Register of Historic Places and the Nike Preservation Group desires to turn the site into a Cold War museum and memorial.A history of the Cold War and development of the Nike missile systems and C-47 site provides the background of the project. Each structure and feature is described and the condition recorded. Recommendations for treatment and maintenance are provided. Suggestions are made for a phased restoration of the site to accommodate a Cold War museum. Since it is recommended the site be open to the public, issues regarding public health, safety, security, and handicap accessibility are addressed. This project does not provide a full management and preservation plan, measured HABS/HAER drawings, or a structural analysis. / Department of Architecture

The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.