Legislatures originated to advise and subsequently to curb autocrats who claimed to rule under Divine mandate. The people's struggle through the centuries to build a bulwark against oppression and tyranny is particularized by Sparta's Senate, Athens Council and Assembly of Four Hundred, Rome's Senate of Elders and Comitis Curiate, Charlemangne's Imperial Assembly, and Saxon England's Witenagamot. The archeotype of America's lawmaking bodies, nevertheless, is not found in Greece or Rome, but rather in the British Parliament as it was anciently composed.

Abstract The struggle for Swedish foreign policy – How Swedish foreign policy was defined and established between the years 1867–1905 as a result of prevailing political power-sharing   AIMS – The aim of this master thesis is to problematize how the Swedish foreign policy was defined politically in the context of the existing constitutional power-sharing model between the bicameral parliament and the ruling monarch. The period 1867–1905 is considered an earlier phase in the political process towards modern parliamentarianism in Sweden. DESIGN – An overall theoretical perspective of a correlation between domestic- and foreign policy is applied, and complemented with a theoretical position of which actor has the priority to define Swedish foreign policy. The thesis uses a methodology of extensive argumentation analysis, with a thematic division between the internal political arena on one side, and on the other side the parliamentary arena. The first arena is analyzed by combining political programs with the monarchs’ autobiographies and memoir. The second arena uses parliamentary debate protocols, parliamentary bills. In this way the thesis generates a selection and a greater understanding of various political issues which is of concern to the actual foreign policy definition in the annual official political throne speeches of the Swedish monarch. RESULTS – A variety of political issues are regarded as of foreign political importance within the internal political arena and is distinguished by a degree of correlations with ideological, ideal and political domestic issues. Such issues are then reflected in the parliamentary arena, through debates in both first and second chambers. The range of issues addressed is not only of constitutional importance, regarding the monarch’s executive power over the different foreign policy areas, but also concerning which political approach should be applied to define the main principle of Swedish foreign policy. Together, the parliamentary debates reveals which arguments influence the definition of foreign policy and which actors who claim the priority to define Swedish foreign policy – all within the existing frame of the power-sharing system. CONCLUSIONS – The thesis concludes that the actors of various parliamentary committees, and especially the constitutional committee, not only had the crucial argument which determined the outcome of the numerous parliamentary debates. Same actors also had the priority to define the main arguments on which the foundations of the monarch’s foreign policy political guidelines where dictated.

Mokslinis darbas parengtas aktualia tema , kurios svarbumą lemia tai, jog panašių tyrimų nėra daug. Šiame darbe analizuojami ir lyginami dvejų ir vienerių rūmų parlamentai. Koncentruojamasi ne tiek į atskirų šalių parlamentus, kiek, pasitelkiant lyginamąją analizę, siekiama išsiaiškinti dvejų ir vienerių rūmų parlamentų skirtumą. Siekiant šio mokslinio darbo tikslo ir įgyvendinant uždavinius pasitelkiami sisteminės analizės, lyginamasis teisės, apibendrinimo, dokumentų analizės, istorinis lyginamasis, įstatymų leidėjo ketinimų, loginis, lingvistinis ir kiti metodai. Be parlamento institucijos šiuolaikinė demokratija ir jos įgyvendinimas taptų sunkiai įsivaizduojamas. Parlamentas – tai valstybės valdžios institucija, geriausiai išreiškianti aukščiausiojo valstybės suvereno – Tautos – valią. Parlamentas yra įstatymų leidybos institucija, tačiau kiekviena šalis pati nusprendžia kokį modelį – vienerių ar dvejų rūmų – pasirinkti. Darbo pradžioje analizuojama parlamentarizmo istorija. Toliau trumpai apžvelgiama valdžių padalijimo teorijos genezė ir parlamento, kaip įstatymų leidybos institucijos reikšmė šioje teorijoje ir skirtingose jos atšakose. Taip pat aiškinamasi, kokios priežastys lemia valstybių apsisprendimą pasirinkti vieną ar kitą parlamento modelį. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojami konkrečių valstybių (Lietuvos ir Švedijos), pasirinkusių vienerių rūmų parlamentą, pavyzdžiai – aiškinamasi, kaip formuojamas parlamentas, kokia jo vidinė struktūra, kaip vyksta įstatymų leidybos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The object of this research is topical and important, because there are not a lot of similar researches. This study works on bicameral and unicameral parliaments – they are analysed and compared. The very concentration of the work is not to scrutinize the parliaments of different countries, but, to find differences in the way of comparison and analyse between unicameralism and bicameralism. For the purpose to reach the goal and to implement tasks of this research, we use methods of systematic analyse, comparison of law, concluding, analyse of documents, historical comparison, intentions of the legislator, logical, linguistic, etc. We can hardly imagine democracy and its implementation without the institution of parliament nowadays. Parliament is institution of public authority. And the parliament expresses the will of the sovereign of the state – the People – in the most proper way. The parliament has the power of legislation, but each country decides which model suits better – unicameralism or bicameralism. Firstly is analysed the history of parliamentarism. Later is presentation of short view of genesis of the theory of separation of powers and what place parliament takes in it. Also is looking for and analysing the reasons, why countries choose one or other model of parliament. In the second part of this research we have chosen for analyse examples of different countries (Lithuania and Sweden), which have unicameral parliament. Is scrutinized the model of composition... [to full text]

En este artículo se busca esclarecer el significado de la institución de la disolución parlamentaria. En primer término, se revisan sus orígenes y los usos que se dio a esta institución en Inglaterra. En segundo lugar, se explica que la disolución parlamentaria es una institución perteneciente al ordenamiento constitucional de un país, y que sirve para viabilizar su funcionamiento pero no para destruir ese ordenamiento mediante un golpe de Estado. Finalmente, se examina cómo fue regulada en el Perú la disolución parlamentaria en la Constitución de 1979, y cómo se encuentra regulada actualmente en la Constitución de 1993 vigente en nuestro país.

Thesis deals with horizontally curved bridge on the ramp in Brno. Designed structure is continous beam formed by bicameral shape, on which are considered the effects of traffic according to ČSN EN 1991-2. Based on the results of stress the structure is designed.

Thesis describes the design and assessment of a plan view of a curved road bridge, which is a part of an elevated crossing transferring directional divided communication and tram line of public transport in Brno. There are four variants of cross sections designed, from which is selected bicameral cross section with arched angled bottom plate, which should be aesthetically pleasant to impress in an urban environment. Static calculation is processed and design is assessed by current European standards. Then clear and detailed drawings, the process of construction and visualization of the bridge are processed.

This dissertation attempts to explain why cross-national variation exists in government approaches to dealing with illegal drugs. As other scholars have shown, several domestic and international political factors do account for some of this variance. However less is known of the effect that bureaucratic dominance and political institutions may have on drug policy. This research argues that bureaucrats define problems in ways that make their services the best possible solution to policymakers. Mediating the ability of bureaucrats to influence drug policy outcomes are political institutions. Certain institutional structures foster a competitive policymaking environment while others foster a more cooperative policymaking environment. In the former of these, law enforcement approaches to the drug problem are often retained as the status quo because competition between policy actors prevents consideration of alternatives. In the latter environment however, prevention, treatment, and harm reduction approaches to the drug problem are developed because cooperation between policymakers allows other actors. namely public health bureaucrats.to influence drug policy decision making. To test this argument, I constructed an original dataset that includes over 4,000 observations of drug policy in 101 democracies. Institutional data on intergovernmental relations, regime type, political bargaining, electoral design, and cameralism were regressed on 6 different drug policy indices: law enforcement, deterrence-based prevention, abstinence-based treatment, educationbased prevention, substitution-based treatment, and harm reduction. While controlling for government resource capacity, severity of the drug problem, international pressure, and political ideology, I found that institutions explain a portion of the variance in drug policy outcomes. Providing in-depth information about these phenomena is a large amount of field data I collected while interviewing 155 politicians, bureaucrats, interest group leaders, and service providers. Respondents from all four of the case countries examined in this research.including United States, Canada, Austria, and Netherlands.report that bureaucrats play a major role in the formation of drug policy. Which bureaucrats have the most influence on policymakers is largely a function of domestic political conditions, international political factors, and political institutions.