Place branding is commonly understood as the application of marketing and commercial ideas, strategies, measurements and logic to the realm of places such as cities, regions and nations. Nevertheless, place branding is also understood as the locus where political activities – imbued with political impact and political effects – appear and affect the soft and hard infrastructures of urban agglomeration and other spatial environments. In this regard, by performing an analysis that helps unpack the multiple characters and impacts of political structures and processes in relation to place branding activities, the present dissertation aims to offer a conceptualization of the political dimension of place branding. By drawing on the critical assessment of the academic literature on place branding and on a series of studies about the branding processes in the region of Romagna and in the Greater Stockholm, the present dissertation further specifies an alternative conceptual framework (i.e. ecological politics) that suggests how place branding should be seen an empirical and theoretical political apparatus that acts, in praxis, based on an emerging, multifaceted and spatio-temporal enfolding of politics. More specifically, the ecological politics of place branding is characterized by four main aspects: the unfolding of a biopolitical ecology around place-branding practices; the ideological appropriation of place-branding processes; the positioning through politicized actions between the interest groups; and finally place-branding as a process of policy-intervention. Finally, on more general level, the present dissertation, by recognizing the political activities and efforts of place branding as crucial elements to be analyzed, makes the case for a more explicit, complex and manifold political analysis of the political dimension of place branding, which allows attention to be given to the impact that branding processes, practices and activities have on cities, regions and nations / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 4: Manuscript.</p><p> </p>

Submitted by Leonardo Lima (leonardoperlim@gmail.com) on 2017-02-07T15:30:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) VALEIRAO, Kelin.pdf: 1838024 bytes, checksum: dd898c291b2f70942b56c04cc6917698 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-07T21:08:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) VALEIRAO, Kelin.pdf: 1838024 bytes, checksum: dd898c291b2f70942b56c04cc6917698 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-02-24T19:37:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 VALEIRAO, Kelin.pdf: 1838024 bytes, checksum: dd898c291b2f70942b56c04cc6917698 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-24T19:37:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 VALEIRAO, Kelin.pdf: 1838024 bytes, checksum: dd898c291b2f70942b56c04cc6917698 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Esta Tese busca, amparada em categorias do pensamento de Marx e Foucault, pensar como o conceito de ideologia presente na obra A Ideologia Alemã de Marx e Engels atua como um dispositivo biopolítico. Num primeiro momento, busca-se pensar nas possíveis aproximações entre o pensamento de Marx e Foucault, apresentando este último como um leitor de Marx. Num segundo momento, trata-se de (re)visitar algumas expressões que o conceito de ideologia vem assumindo, sobretudo com o pensamento de Marx. Neste sentido, a ideologia é apresentada como uma subjetividade de múltiplas cabeças, uma vez que o conceito de ideologia está longe de ser unívoco; é talvez um dos mais controversos no âmbito da filosofia e das ciências sociais. Num terceiro momento, detém-se ao sentido da biopolítica. A produção bibliográfica de Foucault que formula a noção de biopolítica centra-se entre 1974 e 1979, mas podemos, nestes poucos anos, demarcar cinco diferentes formulações correspondendo a mecanismos de poder distintos: o poder medical, o dispositivo de raça, o dispositivo de sexualidade, o dispositivo de segurança e a governamentalidade neoliberal. Cronologicamente, é visível a expansão da noção de biopolítica, de uma aplicação quase local para domínios cada vez mais amplos. Num quarto momento, investiga-se a ideologia atuando como um dispositivo biopolítico – agencia a vida da população, tendo poder tal que pode talhar o real segundo o seu modelo. Neste cenário, a população aparece como objeto de investimento econômico, de controle que normaliza os corpos e as condutas, incitando à realização pelo próprio vivente de um autocontrole da vida. Ao tomarmos ideologia como um dispositivo biopolítico para problematizar a educação contemporânea, deparamo-nos com a instituição escola comprometida em preparar competências que orientem os futuros sujeitos-clientes a atuarem num mundo marcado pelo mercado e pela competição. / This dissertation, based on Marx’s and Foucault’s categories of thought, seeks to understand how the concept of ideology in The German Ideology by Marx and Engels acts as a biopolitical device. Initially, possible similarities between Marx’s and Foucault’s thought are sought, the latter being presented as a reader of the former. Secondly, some expressions that the concept of ideology has incorporated, mainly those related to Marx’s thought, are (re)analyzed. In this sense, ideology is presented as a multi-headed subjectivity, inasmuch as its concept is far from being univocal, and is probably one of the most controversial notions in the philosophy and social sciences scope. Third, the meaning of biopolitics is discussed. Foucault’s literary output that defines the biopolitics notion is concentrated between 1974 and 1979, though this period suffices for the scholar to differentiate five different formulations corresponding to distinct mechanisms of power: the medical power, race, sexuality, safety and neoliberal governmentality devices. There has been a remarkable chronological expansion of the biopolitics notion, which has been applied almost locally to increasingly extensive areas. Finally, ideology as a biopolitical device, which intermediates people’s lives and has the power to shape reality according to its model, is investigated. In this setting, the population is seen as the object of economic investment and control which standardizes both body and behavior and encourages self-control of one’s own life by the very individual. Upon understanding ideology as a biopolitical device that can question contemporary education, we come across school as an institution which is committed to preparing competences which will guide prospective subject-clients to act in a world where market and competition prevail.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-12-20T08:47:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Regina Helena Giannotti.pdf: 10073275 bytes, checksum: 3726dc3fa7e83202f019a3d70d45801f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-20T08:47:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Regina Helena Giannotti.pdf: 10073275 bytes, checksum: 3726dc3fa7e83202f019a3d70d45801f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present thesis shows that it is in the intertwining of political, economic, social, cultural and institutional dimensions the place in which communication contracts are created that make certain cultural series visible. A comparison was made between the communication contracts identified in the Brazilian and Argentinean film productions from 2009 to 2016 as a way of highlighting the regimes of (in) visibility and the installation of discourses of the creative economy in the warp that is darkened. In the case of one of the most important in the history of mankind, it can be said that, 2002). In order to understand the gap that formed when the complex relational complexity between man and nature was broken and to analyze the way in which the transference of culture to the economy took place, the studies developed by Celso Furtado, (2008), Pinheiro (2013), Renato Ortiz (2004), Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2010), Morin (2011) and Martin-Barbero (2009). However, in order to understand the problem that arises when one identifies the lack of defined limits for the scope of the so-called "creative economies", insofar as it fuses the boundaries between the economy of culture and knowledge, defended by Reis (2006). In order to make explicit the reasons why the countries have used culture as the fundamental axis of economic development, the definition in development of the "third capitalist spirit" defended as Boltanski and Chiapello (2009) was used. To understand the diverse forces that drive this development such as flexible organization of production, diffusion of innovations and knowledge, change and adaptation of institutions used the thinking advocated by Sennet (2012). In order to add to the already developed reflections two other crucial dimensions when speaking in development: culture and economic growth was used a theoretical basis that adopts the concepts and ideas of culture and economy defended by Celso Furtado (2008); the ideas of culture defended by Roy Wagner (2002) and Amalio Pinheiro (2013) in analyzing the mestizo societies trained in translation; and Richard Sennet (2012) when it addresses the flexibilization of production mediated by creativity and innovation. And finally, the studies developed by Prado (2013) were used to analyze the communication contracts and the (in) visibility regimes created by the installation of the discourse of the creative economies / A presente tese demonstra que é no entrelaçamento das dimensões políticas, econômicas, sociais, culturais e institucionais o local em que são criados os contratos de comunicação que tornam visíveis determinadas séries culturais. Traçou-se um quadro comparativo entre os contratos de comunicação identificados nas produções cinematográficas brasileira e argentina, de 2009 a 2016, como forma de evidenciar os regimes de (in)visibilidade e a instalação dos discursos da economia criativa na urdidura que é cerzida. Utilizou-se como base metodológica autores que analisam a forma como se dão esses entrelaçamentos, tais como Althusser (1976), Adam Smith (1988), Benhamou (2007), Bourdieu (2005), Pinheiro (2013), Espinosa (2009) e Wagner (2002). A fim de compreender a lacuna que se formou quando a complexidade relacional cerzida entre o homem e a natureza foi rompida, e, de analisar a forma como se deu a transferência da cultura para a economia, utilizou-se como referencial teórico os estudos desenvolvidos por Celso Furtado (2008), Pinheiro (2013), Renato Ortiz (2004), Boaventura de Sousa Santos (2010), Morin (2011) e Martin-Barbero (2009). Entretanto, para compreender o problema que se configura quando se identifica a inexistência de limites definidos para o escopo das chamadas "economias criativas", na medida em que funde as fronteiras entre a economia da cultura e do conhecimento, utilizou-se o pensamento defendido por Reis (2006). Para se explicitarem as razões pelas quais os países têm utilizado a cultura como eixo fundante do desenvolvimento econômico, utilizou-se a definição em desenvolvimento do "terceiro espírito capitalista" defendido por Boltanski e Chiapello (2009). Para compreender as diversas forças que impulsionam a esse desenvolvimento, como a organização flexível da produção, a difusão das inovações e conhecimento, a mudança e a adaptação das instituições, utilizou-se o pensamento defendido por Sennet (2012). Para adicionar às reflexões já desenvolvidas outras duas dimensões cruciais quando se fala em desenvolvimento - a cultura e o crescimento econômico - utilizou-se uma base teórica que adota os conceitos e ideias de cultura e de economia defendidos por Celso Furtado (2008); as ideias de cultura defendidas por Roy Wagner (2002) e Amálio Pinheiro (2013) ao analisar as sociedades mestiças treinadas em tradução; e o que postula Richard Sennet (2012), quando aborda a flexibilização da produção mediada pela criatividade e pela inovação. E, finalmente, para analisar os contratos de comunicação e os regimes de (in)visibilidade criados pela instalação do discurso das economias criativas, utilizaram-se os estudos desenvolvidos por Prado (2013). 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no / This paper considers the situation of people with dementia who are living in long-term care from two rarely-applied theoretical perspectives. The first, Agamben’s theory of biopolitical life versus bare life, demonstrates that the situation of people with dementia living in care homes or hospitals approximates to that of prisoners, internees and refugees, deprived of full citizenship or biopolitical life. In popular imagery people with dementia are frequently referred to, first in terms of numbers, as a ‘rising tide’, in a way that has historically been used to justify discrimination and social exclusion. In many, care environments it is, moreover, still the case that people with dementia are reduced to a condition of ‘bare life’ only: given little choice, having few rights, lacking freedom of movement, and subjected to almost constant surveillance. In other contexts, such treatment is known to cause or exacerbate many of the problems which – following a biomedical model – are constructed as ‘symptoms of dementia’, such as disorientation in time and space, sleep disturbance, hallucinations and repetitive movement. The second body of theory is Bakhtin’s work on cultural resistance. This demonstrates that many of the so-called ‘challenging behaviours’ manifested by people with dementia, can better be understood as coping, sense-making and self-determining strategies adopted in order to survive within prevailing organisational cultures. Based on a series of studies carried out in intermediate and long-term care since 2009, the paper draws on a range of narrative and film-based examples to demonstrate the ‘courage, humour, fortitude and cunning’ with which, as Walter Benjamin noted, the oppressed have always met the conditions of their oppression. In the process, ‘challenging behaviour’ is given political and ideological meaning, as protest, perpetrated by people who are struggling against extreme odds to be reinstated as full citizens. / Conference website: http://www.aginggraz2017.com/conference-schedule

After sixteen intensive months, I quit my employed position as a security guard at a local hospital. By drawing on my autoethnographic experiences in the form of “ethnographic fiction writing”, as well as eight interviews with my former male colleagues, I explore how the guards’ constructions of masculinity intersect with their security assessment and subsequent application of force, chemical incarceration, and other coercive security tactics on involuntarily-committed mental health patients. The narratives are framed by the available literature on gender and masculinity within the security, police, prison and military institutions, as well as the theoretical notions of gendered institutions (Acker), hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt), doing gender (West & Zimmerman), and Dave Holmes’s application of Foucauldian biopolitical power to forensic healthcare settings. These concepts are used in tandem with a creative methodological tool to reveal the “messy”, “bloody” and “gendered” ways in which hospital life unfolds between the guard, the nurse, and the patient prisoner. By escaping more traditional forms of academic writing, I am able to weave raw, sensitive and reflexive thoughts and emotions into the research design and analysis. The analysis is divided into two narratives: “Us” and “Them”. “Us” emphasizes the gendered ways in which the hospital guard learns, reproduces, resists, lives up, or fails to live up to the masculine codes of the profession. Here, the guard must confront cultural demands to demonstrate physical prowess, authority and heroism during a patient battle. “Them” explores how hegemonic masculinity shapes the hierarchical and coercive relations between the guard, the nurse, and the patient, and reinforces psychiatrized discourses that promote punishment, pain, bureaucracy and control. Overall, these findings call for the abolition of physical restraint, chemical incarceration and other coercive security measures within our healthcare institutions, and encourage future research to give voice to the lived experiences of women guards and security management teams.

After sixteen intensive months, I quit my employed position as a security guard at a local hospital. By drawing on my autoethnographic experiences in the form of “ethnographic fiction writing”, as well as eight interviews with my former male colleagues, I explore how the guards’ constructions of masculinity intersect with their security assessment and subsequent application of force, chemical incarceration, and other coercive security tactics on involuntarily-committed mental health patients. The narratives are framed by the available literature on gender and masculinity within the security, police, prison and military institutions, as well as the theoretical notions of gendered institutions (Acker), hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt), doing gender (West & Zimmerman), and Dave Holmes’s application of Foucauldian biopolitical power to forensic healthcare settings. These concepts are used in tandem with a creative methodological tool to reveal the “messy”, “bloody” and “gendered” ways in which hospital life unfolds between the guard, the nurse, and the patient prisoner. By escaping more traditional forms of academic writing, I am able to weave raw, sensitive and reflexive thoughts and emotions into the research design and analysis. The analysis is divided into two narratives: “Us” and “Them”. “Us” emphasizes the gendered ways in which the hospital guard learns, reproduces, resists, lives up, or fails to live up to the masculine codes of the profession. Here, the guard must confront cultural demands to demonstrate physical prowess, authority and heroism during a patient battle. “Them” explores how hegemonic masculinity shapes the hierarchical and coercive relations between the guard, the nurse, and the patient, and reinforces psychiatrized discourses that promote punishment, pain, bureaucracy and control. Overall, these findings call for the abolition of physical restraint, chemical incarceration and other coercive security measures within our healthcare institutions, and encourage future research to give voice to the lived experiences of women guards and security management teams.

After sixteen intensive months, I quit my employed position as a security guard at a local hospital. By drawing on my autoethnographic experiences in the form of “ethnographic fiction writing”, as well as eight interviews with my former male colleagues, I explore how the guards’ constructions of masculinity intersect with their security assessment and subsequent application of force, chemical incarceration, and other coercive security tactics on involuntarily-committed mental health patients. The narratives are framed by the available literature on gender and masculinity within the security, police, prison and military institutions, as well as the theoretical notions of gendered institutions (Acker), hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt), doing gender (West & Zimmerman), and Dave Holmes’s application of Foucauldian biopolitical power to forensic healthcare settings. These concepts are used in tandem with a creative methodological tool to reveal the “messy”, “bloody” and “gendered” ways in which hospital life unfolds between the guard, the nurse, and the patient prisoner. By escaping more traditional forms of academic writing, I am able to weave raw, sensitive and reflexive thoughts and emotions into the research design and analysis. The analysis is divided into two narratives: “Us” and “Them”. “Us” emphasizes the gendered ways in which the hospital guard learns, reproduces, resists, lives up, or fails to live up to the masculine codes of the profession. Here, the guard must confront cultural demands to demonstrate physical prowess, authority and heroism during a patient battle. “Them” explores how hegemonic masculinity shapes the hierarchical and coercive relations between the guard, the nurse, and the patient, and reinforces psychiatrized discourses that promote punishment, pain, bureaucracy and control. Overall, these findings call for the abolition of physical restraint, chemical incarceration and other coercive security measures within our healthcare institutions, and encourage future research to give voice to the lived experiences of women guards and security management teams.

This research seeks to interpret the academic activism of Academics for Peace in Turkey. It argues that the occurrence of the Academics for Peace results from the intertwinement of neoliberal and authoritarian ideology. The writer of this research suggests that Academics for Peace build networks of solidarity based on resistive critique and truth-telling practices. Solidarity (alternative) academies in Turkey are the seeds of this engagement in solidarity, self- adapting practices, activist truth, and parrhesia, and they appear as phenomena that carry out prefigurative-instituent practices. The research suggests that Solidarity academies can be evaluated as a 'threshold' cultivating our understanding of the 'commons' and 'commoning practices.'

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-10-23T11:54:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jacqueline Aguiar da Silva_.pdf: 756114 bytes, checksum: ac7574302d0052b68ea757e09aee174f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-23T11:54:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jacqueline Aguiar da Silva_.pdf: 756114 bytes, checksum: ac7574302d0052b68ea757e09aee174f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-18 / Nenhuma / A caracterização da maternidade impositiva e simbólica, tendo no filho biologicamente estabelecido o objeto do desejo, faz analisar a inserção do direito de procriação no campo dos direitos humanos reprodutivos, que se torna mola propulsora do desenvolvimento do saber biomédico apto a desconstruir a reprodução como algo natural e transpô-la para a alcova do laboratório, imersa em um contexto bioético e biopolítico, e fincado em embates políticos e jurídicos. O corpo reprodutivo aparece no cerne da discussão domesticado, controlado e politizado, na medida em que a reprodução se torna a mola propulsora do desenvolvimento biomédico, impulsionado pelos critérios de liberdade, autonomia e igualdade e, pelas incursões da economia de mercado em contraponto com os princípios bioéticos a serem respeitados pelo saber médico, enaltecendo teias de biopoder nas relações que se estabelecem entre os sujeitos envolvidos. Nesta perspectiva, em função dos embates a serem verificados entre individual e coletivo, público e privado, ganha relevo o papel do Estado, do qual se exigem a definição de posturas ativas prestacionais, sob a forma de políticas públicas, aptas a tornar exequível o direito à concretização do projeto parental por intermédio do uso de técnicas de reprodução assistida. Não mais a mera figura de um Estado assistencialista, mas um Estado estrategista e inteligente, que insere a biopolítica na agenda de perspectivas de governamentalidade. / The characterization of imposing and symbolic motherhood, considering the biologically established child as the object of desire, conducts to analyze the insertion of the right of procreation in the field of human reproductive rights, which becomes a springboard for development of knowledge able to deconstruct biomedical playback as something natural and transpose it to the alcove of the lab, immersed in a bioethical and biopolitical context, and stuck in political and legal struggles. The reproductive body appears at the core of the discussion tamed, controlled and politicized to the extent that reproduction becomes the mainspring of the biomedical development, driven by the criteria of freedom, autonomy and equality and, by the incursions of the market economy in contrast with the bioethical principles to be respected by the medical knowledge, extolling webs biopower relations established between the individuals involved. In this perspective, in terms of the collisions to be checked between individual and collective, public and private, becomes important the role of the State, which requires the definition of prestacionais active stance in the form of public politics, such as to make enforceable the right to implementate the parental project through the use of assisted reproduction techniques. No longer a mere figure of a welfare state but a clever and strategist State, which placed biopolitics in the prospects of governmentality agenda.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Cecilia da Silva Oliveira.pdf: 1257438 bytes, checksum: 8b0b8f0b28810b91059d71c2f0a9466c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-07 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research discusses the investment in the general prevention as a security device that promotes social and legal practices capable of intensifying the political economy of penalties together with right guarantees in the society of control. The case of ILANUD (Instituto Latino Americano de Prevenção do Delito e Tratamento do Delinqüente), as a center for dissemination of the struggle against juvenile delinquency in Latin America, is presently addressed. Through a genealogical analysis, it intends to deal with the knowledges and fluxes of power that trigger juvenile justice systems connected to welfare policies. Associated to socio-educative measures directed to the responsabilization of the offender , these policies shifted, in the end of the 20th Century, the client custody labeled by the conception of irregular situation to the doctrine of integral protection. This process led to the regulation of the exercise of controls and rights as a biopolitical way of governmentalizing. Under the auspices of international organizations and peace movements in the 21st Century, it is important to analyze the process of humanization of penalties that spread borderless controls. The general prevention, connected to the civil society demand for security, reshapes zero tolerance policies as a neoliberal practice based on the establishment of citizenship, democratic participation and the inflation of illegalities. The democratic discourse of universalization of programs to the youth of the new millennium is confronted by the perspective of resistances, capable of combining punitive practices and the guarantee of humanitarian rights. Against general prevention programs, based on the punishment as exemplary pedagogy on behalf of the aseptic society and healthy body, life is affirmed as will to power, an attempt to provoke lines of flight before the punitive captures of the society of control in the 21st Century / This research discusses the investment in the general prevention as a security device that promotes social and legal practices capable of intensifying the political economy of penalties together with right guarantees in the society of control. The case of ILANUD (Instituto Latino Americano de Prevenção do Delito e Tratamento do Delinqüente), as a center for dissemination of the struggle against juvenile delinquency in Latin America, is presently addressed. Through a genealogical analysis, it intends to deal with the knowledges and fluxes of power that trigger juvenile justice systems connected to welfare policies. Associated to socio-educative measures directed to the responsabilization of the offender , these policies shifted, in the end of the 20th Century, the client custody labeled by the conception of irregular situation to the doctrine of integral protection. This process led to the regulation of the exercise of controls and rights as a biopolitical way of governmentalizing. Under the auspices of international organizations and peace movements in the 21st Century, it is important to analyze the process of humanization of penalties that spread borderless controls. The general prevention, connected to the civil society demand for security, reshapes zero tolerance policies as a neoliberal practice based on the establishment of citizenship, democratic participation and the inflation of illegalities. The democratic discourse of universalization of programs to the youth of the new millennium is confronted by the perspective of resistances, capable of combining punitive practices and the guarantee of humanitarian rights. Against general prevention programs, based on the punishment as exemplary pedagogy on behalf of the aseptic society and healthy body, life is affirmed as will to power, an attempt to provoke lines of flight before the punitive captures of the society of control in the 21st Century / A pesquisa problematiza os investimentos na prevenção geral como dispositivo de segurança que desdobra práticas sociojurídicas capazes de intensificar a política econômica das penas junto a garantias de direitos na sociedade de controle. Nesse caso, como pólo disseminador do combate à delinqüência juvenil na América Latina, discutese o Instituto Latino Americano de Prevenção do Delito e Tratamento do Delinqüente ILANUD. Busca-se por meio da análise genealógica tratar dos saberes e fluxos de poder que fomentam sistemas de justiça penal juvenil vinculados a políticas de bem-estar, aliados a medidas socioeducativas direcionadas à responsabilização do infrator , que deslocaram, no final do século XX, a tutela da clientela etiquetada pela concepção de situação irregular à doutrina garantista da proteção integral, regulamentando o exercício de controles e direitos como forma biopolítica de governamentalizar. Sob a égide das organizações internacionais e movimentos pela paz que atuam no século XXI, cabe aqui analisar o processo de humanização das penas que pulverizam controles a céu aberto. A prevenção geral, aliada ao clamor da sociedade civil por segurança, redimensiona as políticas de tolerância zero como prática neoliberal pautadas no estabelecimento da cidadania, participação democrática e inflação das ilegalidades. É pela perspectiva das resistências que se enfrenta o discurso democrático da universalização de programas à juventude do novo milênio, capazes de conciliar práticas punitivas à garantia de direitos humanitários. Contra os programas de prevenção geral, calcados no castigo como pedagogia exemplar em prol da sociedade asséptica e do corpo são, afirma-se a vida como vontade de potência, uma tentativa de provocar linhas de fuga frente às punitivas capturas da sociedade de controle no século XXI / A pesquisa problematiza os investimentos na prevenção geral como dispositivo de segurança que desdobra práticas sociojurídicas capazes de intensificar a política econômica das penas junto a garantias de direitos na sociedade de controle. Nesse caso, como pólo disseminador do combate à delinqüência juvenil na América Latina, discutese o Instituto Latino Americano de Prevenção do Delito e Tratamento do Delinqüente ILANUD. Busca-se por meio da análise genealógica tratar dos saberes e fluxos de poder que fomentam sistemas de justiça penal juvenil vinculados a políticas de bem-estar, aliados a medidas socioeducativas direcionadas à responsabilização do infrator , que deslocaram, no final do século XX, a tutela da clientela etiquetada pela concepção de situação irregular à doutrina garantista da proteção integral, regulamentando o exercício de controles e direitos como forma biopolítica de governamentalizar. Sob a égide das organizações internacionais e movimentos pela paz que atuam no século XXI, cabe aqui analisar o processo de humanização das penas que pulverizam controles a céu aberto. A prevenção geral, aliada ao clamor da sociedade civil por segurança, redimensiona as políticas de tolerância zero como prática neoliberal pautadas no estabelecimento da cidadania, participação democrática e inflação das ilegalidades. É pela perspectiva das resistências que se enfrenta o discurso democrático da universalização de programas à juventude do novo milênio, capazes de conciliar práticas punitivas à garantia de direitos humanitários. Contra os programas de prevenção geral, calcados no castigo como pedagogia exemplar em prol da sociedade asséptica e do corpo são, afirma-se a vida como vontade de potência, uma tentativa de provocar linhas de fuga frente às punitivas capturas da sociedade de controle no século XXI