Orientador: Maria Orlanda Pinassi / Co-orientador: Jesus José Ranieri / Banca: Ricardo Rodrigues Teixeira / Banca: Victor Ximenes Marques / Banca: Meíre Mathias / Banca: Silvia Beatriz Adoue / Resumo: Há pelo menos três décadas a esfera pública vem sendo banhada pela figuração do humano como um ser de natureza igual - nem mais nem menos - a todos os outros seres viventes sob a rubrica da biologia molecular, mais precisamente da genômica. Do DNA como representação da "essência do nosso ser" aos "homens geneticamente criminosos", vemos inúmeros enunciados serem vocalizados em livros, em reportagens e mídias em geral - especializados ou não - que, como diria Gyorgy Lukács, derivam ontologicamente as características do ser social daquelas constitutivas do ser natural. Desde a inauguração, na década de 1970 com a sociobiologia de Edward Wilson e Richard Dawkins, até os dias de hoje, a figuração do humano baseado na Teoria Sintética da Evolução vem se aperfeiçoando e se propagando nas distintas áreas do saber e da cultura. De forma geral, parte dominante desse pensamento interpreta as qualidades ontológicas dos humanos e, por consequência, suas características como resultados adaptacionista da evolução da nossa espécie com base na fitness genética. Sendo assim, no sentido de contribuir na compreensão do cenário no qual subiu ao palco tal figuração, este trabalho assume a tarefa de capturar alguns de seus significados históricosociais contemporâneos. Por consistir numa figuração com suportes teórico-científicos, a intenção, num primeiro momento, é identificar alguns dos seus fundamentos epistemológicos e ontológicos através da construção do que denominamos de grade de inteligibil... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: For at least three decades the public sphere has been bathed by the figuration of the human as a being of an equal nature - no more and no less - to all other living beings under the rubric of molecular biology, more precisely genomics. From DNA as a representation of the "essence of our being" to "genetically criminal men," we see innumerable utterances being spoken of in books, in reports, in advertisements and media in general - specialized or not - which, as Gyorgy Lukacs would say, derive ontologically the characteristics of the social being of those constitutive of the natural being. Since the inauguration in the 1970s with the sociobiology of Edward Wilson and Richard Dawkins, to this day, the human figure based on the Synthetic Theory of Evolution has been improving and spreading in the different areas of knowledge and culture. In general, a dominant part of this thought interprets the ontological qualities of humans and, consequently, their characteristics as an adaptational result of the evolution of our species based on genetic fitness. Thus, in order to contribute to the understanding of the scenario in which such figuration came to the stage, this work assumes the task of capturing some of its contemporary social-historical meanings. In the first place, the intention is to identify some of its epistemological and ontological foundations through the construction of what we call a "reductionist genomic intelligibility grid", whose central characteristic consists of... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

This thesis focuses on one instance of housing financialisation, mortgagedebt and political subjectivation through considering the mortgaging anddemortgaging of life in the Barcelona metropolitan region from 1997 to 2014.My original contributions to knowledge are illustrating how the financialisationof housing equates to the financialisation of life; operationalising a biopoliticalreading of mortgaged homeownership and showing how politicalsubjectivation is not an act or event but an accumulation of learned practices‘from below’. A heterodox, Marxist-inspired political economic perspectiveand ethnographic engagement with (formerly) mortgaged homeowners in thehousing rights movement the Platform for Mortgage Affected People (PAH) inthe Barcelona metropolitan region are used to explore the mortgaging anddemortgaging of life. To consider the former, I connect the political economicprocesses driving the financialisation of housing during Spain’s 1997-2007housing boom to the lived experience of people unable to pay theirmortgage, facing foreclosure and eviction, in the Barcelona metropolitanregion. In other words, I weave together the macro processes and microrealities underlying the mortgaging of life. To understand the demortgaging oflife, I consider the processes of political subjectivation of mortgage-affectedpeople through their collective struggles with the PAH to get their mortgagedebt forgiven, to block evictions and to occupy empty bank-owned housing,among others. The thesis sheds light onto how life becomes a keycomponent of (urban) capital accumulation strategies, and thus thedevelopment of urban futures, and how financialised and biopoliticaltechnologies of power related to (mortgage) debt can be disrupted.

Much attention has been paid to the growing level of polarization at both the party level and within the American public, particularly since the late 1970's. Many scholars will either argue that elite polarization is representative of pre-existing, strongly felt political beliefs in the electorate, or that voters act on the basis of the elite cues they observe in politicians. Scholarship has been lacking, however, a microlevel analysis of the polarization of elite discourse, its motivations, and its effects on the American voter. This study quantifies the divergence in party discourse on particular issues through an analysis of published platforms and presidential candidate convention speeches. By employing Foucauldian theories of micropolitics and biopower, a qualitative case study, critical discourse analyses, and ANES polling data, this study finds that not only have the parties been deploying drastically diverging discourses on issues of biopolitical administration, but this also tends to engender political saliency on issues in which voters were not significantly concerned. There are certainly insidious implications for a representative system of government when parties utilize discourse to manufacture political opinions for their own self-interest. The data herein show that both parties have been guilty of such mobilization tactics within the last forty years. / Master of Arts / Even the most casual observer of the American political system will note the adversarial and polarized relationship between Republicans and Democrats. Rather than focusing on the general differences between the two parties, this project looks at how the language and dialogue of political elites affects the average American voter. What I found is that, as the two parties discussed certain issues more frequently and in distinct ways, these issues became increasingly important to the American electorate. In other words, politicians tell voters which issues are important to them through their choice of rhetoric. This is quite different than common assumptions of democratic societies where legislators merely represent the interests of their constituents, rather than manufacture them.

The purpose of this thesis is to inquire into the hard decisions that democracies are making in the 21st century in the context of working to spreading democracy and maintaining peace through foreign policy. Ever since the American-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq after the 9/11 terror attacks, democratic peace theorists have been pushed further to the sidelines as their theory has been put to the test and struggled to stand up to the challenges of political realities in contemporary world politics. The idea that the diffusion of democracy would help build a Kantian world peace would seem to have taken a severe blow with the rise of populist candidates and policies in the West in recent years. The democratic peace theory (DPT) is in crucial respects about the mechanisms to indirectly control other countries' economies and politics through forcibly installing democratic regimes. Though done in the name of safety and security for western nations, this foreign policy looks an awful lot like an attempt at biopolitical engineering. Has DPT morphed into a form of biopolitics? The goal of this thesis is to delve into this question and to learn what the implications are if this is the case, and what it means for the West, democracies, terrorism, and societies. For if democracies are less and less able to justify their role in driving the proper conditions for peace, we must scrutinize the role they play in international affairs in a much broader political perspective. / Master of Arts

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This thesis develops a biopolitical perspective on Western states’ longstanding opposition to the formation of a Tamil state (Tamil Eelam) in the northeastern parts of the island of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). It does so by adopting and applying the concept of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault in the 1970s. Foucault used the idea of biopolitics to explain power relations and to consider peace through the matrix of war. He was especially interested in using this to understand power relations that emerged in the eighteenth century and especially in terms of the tensions between military confrontation and commercial expansion. This thesis adopts and applies the idea of biopolitics to the concept of liberal peace and its core principle, the security of global commerce, to offer a new interpretation of the rationale behind the opposition of Western states to the Tamil demand for political independence and their collaboration in Sri Lanka’s biopolitical transformation of the island into a Sinhala-Buddhist ethno-theocracy. As practitioners of the biopolitics of liberal peace, Western states have waged wars and collaborated in the wars of their Southern counterparts, allowing populations, including liberalised ones, to be killed, condoning the subversion of civil liberties, human rights and other democratic freedoms, including the right to selfdetermination of nations, that they simultaneously promote. The thesis explores the extent to which the collaboration of the West with the Sri Lankan state’s racist policies and counterinsurgency efforts is a continuation of the colonial policies of the British Empire in Ceylon. In developing a biopolitical perspective on the liberal state-building practices of the British Empire in colonial Ceylon, Sri Lanka’s adoption of the same practices, and the West’s own efforts to neutralise the Tamils’ armed struggle, the thesis explores the ways that power relations produce the effects of battle, and thus the way that peace becomes a means of waging war. When the power relations of law, finance, politics, and diplomacy produce the effects of battle, they become ways of waging war by other means. As well as being a thesis on Western policy in the war in Sri Lanka, the work is therefore also to some extent an attempt to see how far Foucault’s work on biopolitics might be pushed and developed and thus, at the same time, an attempt to turn the Foucauldian focus to an area thus far unexplored by those who have sought to engage with Foucault’s work.

Orientador: Divino José da Silva / Resumo: Este trabalho é de natureza teórica e busca analisar, filiando-se a uma perspectiva foucaultiana, alguns desdobramentos do biopoder no “século” do cérebro. Com os avanços das neurociências, principalmente a partir de 1990, fortaleceu-se um discurso acadêmico e laboratorial apregoando a equivalência entre o cérebro e o indivíduo e, com o passar do tempo, em virtude das mídias, da preocupação com o sofrimento psíquico e a saúde mental, entre outros – e ultrapassando seu espaço originalmente especializado –, esse discurso acabou por popularizar-se. Hoje o cérebro tornou-se uma espécie de “ator social”, um ponto de referência para os processos de subjetivação e condução da vida, seu funcionamento é correlacionado a praticamente todos os aspectos humanos: moral, inteligência, humor, desempenho, eficiência, educação, entre outros. O objetivo deste trabalho foi mostrar a inserção desse órgão na moderna lógica do homo oeconomicus e, paralelamente, sinalizar para o fato de que o governo atual da vida está exigindo o seu mapeamento e manipulação. Ao se apropriar de noções das neurociências cognitivas, como plasticidade e neuroquímica, a biopolítica contemporânea e seu ideal de aperfeiçoamento do indivíduo-empresa, amplamente divulgado pela racionalidade neoliberal, encontra no cérebro um dispositivo de modelagem subjetiva e, fundamentando-se nele, desenvolve tecnologias de gestão do self. Entre essas tecnologias destacamos o neuroaprimoramento farmacológico, a neuroascese e a neuroeduc... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The present work consists of a theoretical nature and seeks to present, allying itself to a Foucalt’s perspective, some development of the biopower in the brain century. With the advance of the neuroscience, mainly since 1990, an academic and laboratorial speech strengthened to proclaim the equivalence between the brain and the individual and, as time passes, due to the media, the concern with the psychological suffering and mental health and so on – and exceeding its space originally specialized – this speech became popular. Today the brain became a sort of “social actor”, as a reference to subjectivation processes and life conduction, its performance is correlated to almost all humans’ aspects: moral, intelligence, humor, performance, efficiency, education, etc. The main goal of this work was to show the inception of this organ in the homo oeconomicus modern logic and, alongside, point out to the fact that the current management of life is demanding its mapping and handling. Overtaking the neuroscience cognitive notions, such as plasticity and neurochemistry, the contemporary biopolitics and its improvement ideal of the individual-enterprise, widely spread by the neoliberal rationality, it finds in the brain a subjective framing device and, bases itself in it, develops technologies of self-management. Among this technologies drugs neuroimprovement, neuroascesis and neuroeducation stand out, it supports the theses that the contemporary project of life’s neuromanagement got q... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

O fio condutor desta tese é o caso de uma vala clandestina, oficialmente descoberta, em 1990, no Cemitério Dom Bosco, no bairro de Perus, em São Paulo, no qual foram encontrados mais de 1500 sacos plásticos contendo remanescentes mortais humanos, alguns deles identificados como sendo de desaparecidos políticos executados pela ditadura brasileira. A partir desse caso, a tese realiza um duplo movimento: primeiramente, trata-se de mostrar os limites das elaborações de Foucault, Esposito e Agamben para a compreensão da vala clandestina de Perus. Mais fecundas para isso se revelam as teorias do sociólogo camaronês Achille Mbembe sobre a especificidade das relações entre poder e morte nas regiões coloniais, imperiais e neocoloniais, nas quais ele identifica a existência da necropolítica, isto é, de um poder que produz morte e cria condições mortíferas para subordinar populações. Simultaneamente, o segundo movimento que realiza a tese consiste em explorar as contribuições que a análise do caso da vala de Perus, em particular, e dos dispositivos desaparecedores, em geral, oferecem para a complementação das teorias de Mbembe. Com efeito, esses dispositivos, dentre os quais os sepultamentos clandestinos ocupam um lugar importante, resultados, no Brasil, da associação entre diversos mecanismos de desaparecimento na ditadura militar, revelam um aspecto da necropolítica pouco explorado por Mbembe e que chamamos de necrogovernamentalidade. Com esse termo, queremos chamar a atenção para o fato de que a necropolítica, como mostram os dispositivos desaparecedores, não apenas utiliza da maximização das condições mortíferas para governar, como se ocupa, também, dos processos post-mortem, isto é, da administração dos corpos, dos rituais fúnebres, das rotinas burocráticas da morte e da gestão do luto. Assim, explicita-se o nexo entre necropolítica e subjetivação, pois, como novamente revelam os dispositivos desaparecedores, a necrogovernamentalidade, ao distribuir de maneira desigual a possibilidade de prantear publicamente as mortes, induz a generalização de formas de subjetividade melancólicas e, por isso, submetidas à dominação. / This thesiss guiding thread is an illegal common grave officially discovered in 1990, in the Dom Bosco Cemitery, in the neighborhood of Perus, São Paulo. In this grave, more than 1,500 plastic bags were found containing mortal remains, some identified as being political victims of enforced disappearance perpetrated by the Brazilian dictatorship. Taking its cue from this case, this thesis argues for two main points: first, we show the inadequacies of Foucaults, Espositos, and Agambens political theories in dealing with this particular case. Here, the Cameroonian sociologist Achille Mbembes theory are much more fruitful, especially his account of the particularity of the relationship between power and death in the colonial, imperial, and neo-colonial regions. Mbembe identifies in those regions the existence of a necropolitics, that is, a kind of power which produces death and that creates deadly situations in order to subjugate local populations. Nevertheless, Mbembes theories also have their own inadequacies, so the second main point of this thesis is to show how an adequate understanding of the phenomenon surrounding Peruss common grave and, more generally, what we call the disappearance dispositif, can help us to overcome these deficiencies. Indeed, this dispositif, which comprises, as an important part, the illegal burial, can be thought as of resulting from, in the Brazilian case, the association between, and unification of, several disappearance mechanisms by the Brazilian dictatorship. This type of association and unification reveals a necropolitical aspect not explored by Mbembe, namely what we call necrogovernmentality. We coined this term, necrogovernmentality, in order to call attention to the fact that necropolitics, as is uncovered by a careful analysis of the disappearance dispositif, not only maximizes deadly conditions in order to better subjugate, but also manages the post-mortem processesthe management of the bodies, of the burial rites, of the bureaucratic routines of death and mourning. This is important, because we are thus able to uncover a deep connection between necropolitics and subjectivation: the disappearance dispositif and its associated necrogovernmentality distributes in an uneven manner the possibility of public mourning, and hence induces a dissemination of melancholic subjects, subjects that are therefore more easily subjugated.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:15:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ariane Alves dos Santos.pdf: 1217539 bytes, checksum: 24a2e3b87a20bb61fe3d35a05fd5fca8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The research analyzes the notion of pre-expressiveness of the body, prepared by the theater director and researcher Eugenio Barba, proposing recognize it as a communicative device that explicitly and triggers the singularities of the body. This research part of trying to move its arts under the methodology for communication (corpomidia theory) and biopolitics. Thus, rather than a crosscultural theater actors to training, systematic proposed by Beard becomes a breeding device for testing new body communication processes, significantly increasing its importance as regards the life policy and their resistance networks. The corpus of the survey consists of his books The Secret Art of the actor: a theatrical anthropology dictionary and the paper canoe: treaty theatrical anthropology. These works are analyzed from authors such as Gilles Deleuze and Maurizio Lazzarato, to deepen the notion of uniqueness and individuation process; and Katz and Greiner to clarify the procedural aspects of the relationship between body and environment and culture as cognitive network. As a result, the dissertation proposes a different reading Beard methodology, interpreting it as a good example of what a communications professor Muniz Sodre has identified as sensitive communication strategies, not restricted to discursive practices and coded messages a priori / A pesquisa analisa a noção de pré-expressividade do corpo, elaborada pelo diretor e pesquisador de teatro Eugenio Barba, propondo reconhecê-la como um dispositivo comunicativo que explicita e aciona as singularidades do corpo. Esta pesquisa parte da tentativa de deslocar a sua metodologia do âmbito das artes para o da comunicação (teoria corpomídia) e da biopolítica. Desta forma, ao invés de um treinamento teatral transcultural para atores, a sistematização proposta por Barba torna-se um dispositivo de criação para testar novos processos de comunicação do corpo, ampliando de maneira significativa a sua importância no que se refere às políticas da vida e suas redes de resistência. O corpus da pesquisa é composto por seus livros A arte secreta do ator: um dicionário de antropologia teatral e A canoa de papel: tratado de antropologia teatral. Estas obras são analisadas a partir de autores como Gilles Deleuze e Maurizio Lazzarato, para aprofundar a noção de singularidade e de processo de individuação; e Katz e Greiner para explicitar o aspecto processual das relações entre corpo e ambiente e a cultura como rede cognitiva. Como resultado, a dissertação propõe uma leitura diferenciada da metodologia de Barba, interpretando-a como um bom exemplo do que o professor de comunicação Muniz Sodré tem identificado como estratégias sensíveis de comunicação, não restritas às práticas discursivas e mensagens codificadas a priori

A presente Tese tem como foco empírico o Índice de Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica (IDEB) e procura responder: Quais são algumas das condições de possibilidade para o IDEB se instituir no Brasil e que maquinarias utiliza para intervir na escola para atingir a meta nacional, traçada no Plano Nacional de Educação – PNE 2014/2024? É um estudo de inspiração genealógica, que utiliza o conceito de governamentalidade (FOUCAULT, 2007) como grade de inteligibilidade de análise. Para o corpus de análise foram selecionados documentos oficiais e legais, estatísticas e notícias veiculadas acerca do IDEB na internet, além de coleta de dados através de questionários semiestruturados respondidos por professores, coordenadores pedagógicos e diretores de 23 escolas do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, RS. A partir das análises foi possível perceber como o IDEB opera subjetivando, capturando e produzindo sujeitos na racionalidade neoliberal através das maquinarias jurídico-legal, numérico-estatística e midiática. A partir dos documentos oficiais selecionados, mostra-se a maquinaria jurídicolegal em funcionamento, apontando indícios de proveniência do IDEB ou indícios da produção da qualidade da educação pelos números. Formulou-se o conceito de governamento em cadeia, mostrando algumas relações de poder que se estabelecem para que o IDEB se institua e opere sobre a população escolar com o objetivo de qualificar a educação. Ainda nessa unidade analítica, evidencia-se um alargamento do conceito de qualidade da educação pelos Planos Municipais de Educação de seis municípios do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, RS, em relação àquele estabelecido pelo Ministério da Educação. Já a maquinaria numéricoestatística, segunda unidade de análise, coloca-se em funcionamento através de levantamentos, como o Censo Escolar, e cálculos que permitem quantificar a qualidade através da fórmula do IDEB. Argumenta-se que, para o IDEB se tornar produtivo pedagogicamente, deveria ser conhecido na sua interioridade, o que favorece que todos se compreendam “dentro da fórmula”. A mídia é trazida como “máquina de expressão” (LAZZARATO, 2006), que tem seu foco na captura das mentes, dos cérebros, através da atenção e da memória. Tem a capacidade da ação à distância e, por isso, age de forma desfronteirizada e atemporal, caracterizando o exercício do noopoder e opera por diferentes vias. Através da analítica desenvolvida, produziu-se a tese: O IDEB, desenvolvido pelo MEC e tendo como finalidade a melhoria da qualidade da educação brasileira, constitui-se em uma estratégia de poder sobre a vida [biopoder] da população escolar, colocando em operação práticas disciplinares, biopolíticas e noopolíticas por meio das maquinarias jurídico-legais, numérico-estatística e midiática. Tais maquinarias pretendem produzir, quantificar, expressar e melhorar [aquilo que compreendem como] a qualidade da educação brasileira, fabricando sujeitos engajados na busca do cumprimento da meta traçada pelo PNE 2014 – 2024. / The following Thesis has its empirical focus on the Basic Education Development Index (IDEB) and aims at answering: Which are some of the possible conditions for IDEB to institute itself in Brazil and what kind of machines does it use to intervene in schools in order to achieve the national goal, outlined in the National Educational Plan- PNE 2014/2024? It is a study of genealogical inspiration, which uses the concept of governamentability (FOUCALT, 2007) as a table of analysis intelligibility. For the corpus analysis, official and legal documents, statistics and news about IDEB in the internet were selected, besides a collection of data through semi-structured questionnaires answered by teachers, pedagogical coordinators and principals from 23 schools located in Vale do Rio dos Sinos, RS. Through such analysis, it was possible to realize how IDEB operates subjectively, capturing and producing subjects in the neoliberal rationality through the legal-juridical, statisticalnumerical and media machineries. Through the official documents selected, we can see the legal-juridical machinery working, pointing to evidences coming from IDEB or evidences of the production of quality of education by numbers. The concept of governament in chain was born showing some relationships of power that are set up so that IDEB constitutes itself and operates over the school population in order to qualify education. Still in this analytic unit, a widening of the concept of education quality is witnessed through the Municipal Plans of education from six cities located in Vale dos Sinos, RS, compared to the one established by the Ministry of Education. On the other hand, the statistical-numerical machinery, second unit of analysis, works through surveys, such as the Scholar Census and calculations that allow people to quantify the quality through ID Media is raised as an “expression. Machine” (Lazzarato, 2006), which is focused on the capture of minds, brains, through attention and memory. It is capable of action at distance and, that is why, acts in an atemporal and without borders way, characterizing the no-power exercise, operating through different paths. The IDEB developed by MEC, aiming at improving the quality of Brazilian Education, constitutes itself on a power strategy over the school population life [bio-power], putting into practice disciplinary, bio-political and non-political practices through legal-juridical, statisticalnumerical and media machineries. Such machineries intend to produce, quantify, express and improve [ what is understood as] the quality of Brazilian Education, creating committed subjects searching for pursuing the goals established by PNE 2014-2024. EB formula. So, I state that for IDEB to become pedagogically productive, it should be known deeply, which would allow everybody to understand themselves “inside the formula”.