Texte remanié de: Thèse--Paléographie-archivistique--Paris--École nationale des chartes, 2006. / Index.

Thesis (PH D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1919. / Also published in the Southwestern historical quarterly, January 1920-April 1921. Bibliography: p. 203-204.

Inaug.-Diss.--Marburg. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [i]-viii.

Thesis (M.Sc.)--The University of Manitoba, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Habilitationsschrift--Cologne. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-158).

This thesis is significant for the knowledge it offers concerning the influence of Napoleon Bonaparte's personality and career upon the character and the work of Lord Byron. It is significant because of the light it throws on both Napoleon and the culture of Europe during his era. This study is significant in the insight it indirectly gives into the psychological phenomenon of hero-worship, to which it gives a more universal application through the medium of Byron's attitude toward Napoleon.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar alguns pontos da construção simbólica do poder de napoleão bonaparte, em sua relação direta com um projeto de personalização do poder e de legitimação política, captando seu significado em meio ao universo de práticas e representações políticas de fins do século XVIIIe início do XIX.Privilegiamos alguns de seus aspectos, como a estruturação de uma imagem pública em associação com o fortalecimento e legalização de seu governo, procurando entendê-los no interior do conflito entre inovação e conservação, ou seja, de distanciamento ou aproximação dos modelos e convenções de construção simbólica do poder já utilizados durante o antigo regime. Para tanto, observamos os elementos de propaganda implícitos na fabricação da imagem napoleônica e na legitimação de seu poder, buscando perceber igualmente a dinâmica de sua elaboração e as repercussões desta imagem no imaginário coletivo. deparamo-nos, assim, com diversos "Bonapartes" e "Napoleões", ficções sociais construídas pelo uso de um conjunto de criações culturais. / The purpose of this work is to analyze some points of the symbolic construction of Napoleon Bonaparte's power, In its direct relationship with a personalizing project of power and of political legitimation, catching its meaning in a universe of political practices and representations in the end of the 18th and early 19th centuries. We give privilege to some of its aspects, like the structure of the public image associated with the empowerment and legalization of his government, trying to understand them within the inner conflict between innovation and conservation, i.e., the distancing or approaching of the models and conventions of power's symbolic construction already used during the Ancien Regime. To this, we observe the elements of propaganda that are implicit in the construction of the Napoleonic image and in the legitimation of his power, aiming to realize equally the dynamics of its formation and the repercussions of this image in the collective imaginary. We face, therefore, several "Bonaparte" and "Napoleons", social fictions built by the lise of a set of cultural creations.

Entre 1814 et 1830, 243 préfets se succèdent au service des derniers Bourbons, Louis XVIII et Charles X, au cours des deux Restaurations, que sépare en 1815 l’épisode des Cent-Jours. Chargées de représenter le souverain dans les départements, ces personnalités sont, sauf exception, tombées dans l’oubli. De leur étude dépend pourtant la compréhension des rouages administratifs du pays et des modalités d’intervention de l’État. Les préfets incarnent peut-être mieux que quiconque la tension entre le maintien des structures administratives héritées de l’an VIII et la volonté de « renouer la chaîne des temps » avec l’Ancien Régime, tension qui est le propre de la Restauration. Tous d’ailleurs n’ont pas la même idée de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de ses institutions, dont ils sont partie prenante au cours de leur existence, que ce soit comme administrateurs, membres des assemblées locales, députés, pairs de France ou ministres ; tous n’ont pas la même idée de leurs rapports au roi, à la patrie et au département confié à leurs soins. Aussi participent-ils pleinement du règne des derniers Bourbons, que nombre de contemporains, Chateaubriand et Balzac en tête, définissent comme un temps des plus composites. Aussi donnent-ils à voir une mosaïque dont cette étude de prosopographie se veut le reflet le plus fidèle possible. / Between 1814 and 1830, during the two Restorations, the “Cent-Jours” excepted, 243 prefects serve the last Bourbons, Louis XVIII and Charles X. All these personalities represent the sovereign in the departments. With a few exceptions, they are forgotten nowadays. But it seems necessary to study them in order to understand the French administration and the public action, especially during the period considered. French Restoration’s prefects embody perhaps better than anyone the tension which exists at that time between the will to keep the administrative structures created by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1800 and the temptation to recreate the old monarchy. For that matter, all of them don’t understand in the same way the constitutional monarchy and its institutions. They don’t have the same idea of the king, the fatherland and the department they have to run. Thus, they are emblematic of the last Bourbon’s reign, defined by many writers of this period, for instance Chateaubriand and Balzac, as a genuine mixed time. They consequently compose a mosaic of men we tried to analyze as rigorously as possible in the prosopographic study.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar alguns pontos da construção simbólica do poder de napoleão bonaparte, em sua relação direta com um projeto de personalização do poder e de legitimação política, captando seu significado em meio ao universo de práticas e representações políticas de fins do século XVIIIe início do XIX.Privilegiamos alguns de seus aspectos, como a estruturação de uma imagem pública em associação com o fortalecimento e legalização de seu governo, procurando entendê-los no interior do conflito entre inovação e conservação, ou seja, de distanciamento ou aproximação dos modelos e convenções de construção simbólica do poder já utilizados durante o antigo regime. Para tanto, observamos os elementos de propaganda implícitos na fabricação da imagem napoleônica e na legitimação de seu poder, buscando perceber igualmente a dinâmica de sua elaboração e as repercussões desta imagem no imaginário coletivo. deparamo-nos, assim, com diversos "Bonapartes" e "Napoleões", ficções sociais construídas pelo uso de um conjunto de criações culturais. / The purpose of this work is to analyze some points of the symbolic construction of Napoleon Bonaparte's power, In its direct relationship with a personalizing project of power and of political legitimation, catching its meaning in a universe of political practices and representations in the end of the 18th and early 19th centuries. We give privilege to some of its aspects, like the structure of the public image associated with the empowerment and legalization of his government, trying to understand them within the inner conflict between innovation and conservation, i.e., the distancing or approaching of the models and conventions of power's symbolic construction already used during the Ancien Regime. To this, we observe the elements of propaganda that are implicit in the construction of the Napoleonic image and in the legitimation of his power, aiming to realize equally the dynamics of its formation and the repercussions of this image in the collective imaginary. We face, therefore, several "Bonaparte" and "Napoleons", social fictions built by the lise of a set of cultural creations.

En mélangeant une approche d’histoire culturelle du politique et une perspective comparative, ma recherche étudie les fêtes napoléoniennes qui eurent lieu entre 1799 et 1814 dans la République / Empire français, la République / Royaume d’Italie et le Royaume d’Espagne. Par le biais de cette méthode je dévoilerai l’existence d’un modèle de fête napoléonienne qui était plutôt uniforme dans les trois contextes géographiques considérées, surtout en matière de principes de base, de mots-clés et de valeurs transmises. Mon étude se focalise sur les concepts de souveraineté, de légitimité et de sacralité, visant à mettre en lumière leurs interconnections réciproques et leur signification en rapport avec l’époque napoléonienne par le prisme des fêtes civiques, et notamment par les représentations symboliques, visuelles et discursives qui les ponctuaient. L’analyse de ces représentations permet de mieux comprendre non seulement les manifestations, mais aussi les fondements, les caractéristiques et l’évolution du pouvoir napoléonien. / By combining research methods from the cultural history of the politic with a comparative perspective, my dissertation covers the celebrations of the Napoleonic era that took place between 1799 and 1814 in the Republic (later, Empire) of France, in the Republic (later, Kingdom) of Italy, and in the Kingdom of Spain. My comparative perspective aims to show the existence of a model of Napoleonic celebration that was fairly uniform across the three geographical contexts I studied, especially in its basic principles, fundamental concepts and values conveyed. My study centres on the concepts of sovereignty, legitimacy and sacrality, and aims to shed light on their interplay and their significance in the context of Napoleonic-era civic festivities, especially in terms of the forms of symbolic, visual and discursive representation that were used. My analysis of these forms of representation will allow the reader to better understand not only the manifestations of Napoleonic power, but also its ideological underpinnings, characteristics, and evolution over time.