Entre 1814 et 1830, 243 préfets se succèdent au service des derniers Bourbons, Louis XVIII et Charles X, au cours des deux Restaurations, que sépare en 1815 l’épisode des Cent-Jours. Chargées de représenter le souverain dans les départements, ces personnalités sont, sauf exception, tombées dans l’oubli. De leur étude dépend pourtant la compréhension des rouages administratifs du pays et des modalités d’intervention de l’État. Les préfets incarnent peut-être mieux que quiconque la tension entre le maintien des structures administratives héritées de l’an VIII et la volonté de « renouer la chaîne des temps » avec l’Ancien Régime, tension qui est le propre de la Restauration. Tous d’ailleurs n’ont pas la même idée de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de ses institutions, dont ils sont partie prenante au cours de leur existence, que ce soit comme administrateurs, membres des assemblées locales, députés, pairs de France ou ministres ; tous n’ont pas la même idée de leurs rapports au roi, à la patrie et au département confié à leurs soins. Aussi participent-ils pleinement du règne des derniers Bourbons, que nombre de contemporains, Chateaubriand et Balzac en tête, définissent comme un temps des plus composites. Aussi donnent-ils à voir une mosaïque dont cette étude de prosopographie se veut le reflet le plus fidèle possible. / Between 1814 and 1830, during the two Restorations, the “Cent-Jours” excepted, 243 prefects serve the last Bourbons, Louis XVIII and Charles X. All these personalities represent the sovereign in the departments. With a few exceptions, they are forgotten nowadays. But it seems necessary to study them in order to understand the French administration and the public action, especially during the period considered. French Restoration’s prefects embody perhaps better than anyone the tension which exists at that time between the will to keep the administrative structures created by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1800 and the temptation to recreate the old monarchy. For that matter, all of them don’t understand in the same way the constitutional monarchy and its institutions. They don’t have the same idea of the king, the fatherland and the department they have to run. Thus, they are emblematic of the last Bourbon’s reign, defined by many writers of this period, for instance Chateaubriand and Balzac, as a genuine mixed time. They consequently compose a mosaic of men we tried to analyze as rigorously as possible in the prosopographic study.

"The long shadow of the emperor: fear and British press during the Napoleonic Wars (1795 –1815)” was a master thesis that combined the history of emotions with the use of quantitative computational techniques. The main objectives of the project were to detect and analyse the fear around the figure of Napoleon Bonaparte in the British press, between 1795 and 1815, and to check the feasibility of the proposed quantitative techniques for the history of emotions. The methodology consisted of the bibliographic collection of terms, web scrapping techniques, the creation of a database of mentions, and the emotional analysis of the subsequent information. The results showed how the emotion of fear was experienced in the British press, and the great explanatory potential of the methodology proposed by the study. The findings have revealed valuable information about international politics, public opinion, and erroneous assumptions in our current understandings of the Napoleonic Wars.

This study argues that the dialectic and the metamorphosis of the basso del tema and tema in Beethoven’s Eroica Variations, Op. 35 mirror the stages of the philosophical thought of German Idealism. The philosophical systems of the post-Kantian generation were housed in the values of the Goethezeit, in which the concept of self was regarded as fundamental for the worldview. In Germany these systems generated a new intellectual ethos that merged cultural nationalism with the glorification of the self (Burnham). Beethoven’s music gave reliable expression to the values of the Goethezeit, depicting the self as a spiritual entity with a constitutive autonomy, a possibility for self-transcendence, and a fundamental condition of struggle for freedom. While research has focused on Beethoven’s heroic style (Broyles) and the philosophy of his music (Adorno), there is very little literature on the relationship between Beethoven’s music and the philosophical thought of the time. In 1930 Schenker discussed the use of the Eroica theme in the Eroica Variations (Marston): first, the material is stated in its simple form; then, rhythmic structure, dynamics, tempo, texture, and key transform it. Schenker considers the large-movement form rather than the theme, giving emphasis to the basso del tema. This study proposes an analysis of Op. 35–focusing first on the first fourteen variations and then on the fifteenth variation and on the fugue individually–as the musical statement of the philosophical thought of the Goethezeit and offers a discussion on the historical perspectives in Op. 35. Then, the study applies the proposed philosophical and historical analysis of the Eroica Variations to explain how an interpretation based on critical theory can help concert performers develop a deeper understanding of such a demanding piece of repertoire. Finally, the study examines the Eroica Variations as one of the most substantial concert pieces for piano by Beethoven and of the beginning of the nineteenth century, and offers suggestions on how to meet the musical and technical challenges of the piece. / Music Performance

En mélangeant une approche d’histoire culturelle du politique et une perspective comparative, ma recherche étudie les fêtes napoléoniennes qui eurent lieu entre 1799 et 1814 dans la République / Empire français, la République / Royaume d’Italie et le Royaume d’Espagne. Par le biais de cette méthode je dévoilerai l’existence d’un modèle de fête napoléonienne qui était plutôt uniforme dans les trois contextes géographiques considérées, surtout en matière de principes de base, de mots-clés et de valeurs transmises. Mon étude se focalise sur les concepts de souveraineté, de légitimité et de sacralité, visant à mettre en lumière leurs interconnections réciproques et leur signification en rapport avec l’époque napoléonienne par le prisme des fêtes civiques, et notamment par les représentations symboliques, visuelles et discursives qui les ponctuaient. L’analyse de ces représentations permet de mieux comprendre non seulement les manifestations, mais aussi les fondements, les caractéristiques et l’évolution du pouvoir napoléonien. / By combining research methods from the cultural history of the politic with a comparative perspective, my dissertation covers the celebrations of the Napoleonic era that took place between 1799 and 1814 in the Republic (later, Empire) of France, in the Republic (later, Kingdom) of Italy, and in the Kingdom of Spain. My comparative perspective aims to show the existence of a model of Napoleonic celebration that was fairly uniform across the three geographical contexts I studied, especially in its basic principles, fundamental concepts and values conveyed. My study centres on the concepts of sovereignty, legitimacy and sacrality, and aims to shed light on their interplay and their significance in the context of Napoleonic-era civic festivities, especially in terms of the forms of symbolic, visual and discursive representation that were used. My analysis of these forms of representation will allow the reader to better understand not only the manifestations of Napoleonic power, but also its ideological underpinnings, characteristics, and evolution over time.

Cette thèse a pour titre la législation sociale du Second Empire. Depuis la dichotomie imposée par Ernest Lavisse, ce régime est traditionnellement divisé en deux périodes : une autoritaire et une libérale. Un tel changement de cap est généralement expliqué par la perte des soutiens traditionnels du régime. Tentant de séduire l'électorat ouvrier, le gouvernement aurait alors décidé de se lancer dans une législation sociale plus ambitieuse. Un tel schéma voit donc dans l'accélération des mesures sociales de la deuxième moitié du règne, une simple réponse circonstanciée à un contexte politique défavorable ; la législation sociale du Second Empire laissant dès lors peu de place à une cohérence d'ensemble. Il ressort de cette étude que Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte s’est, dès ses premiers écrits de jeunesse, penché sur la question sociale. Ses solutions en la matière tenant en deux principes essentiels : l’ordre et le progrès. En favorisant la prospérité et le développement économique, la stabilité était considérée par le futur Empereur comme le premier remède aux difficultés des classes laborieuses. L’ordre retrouvé, Napoléon III souhaitait ensuite l’adoption de mesures sociales plus ambitieuses.Ainsi, loin d’être guidée par des contraintes extérieures, la législation sociale du Second Empire s’inscrit en réalité dans une logique définie dès l’origine du régime, formant dès lors un ensemble cohérent. / This thesis is entitled social legislation of the Second Empire. Since the dichotomy imposed by Ernest Lavisse, the Second Empire is traditionally divided into two periods : an authoritarian and a liberal. Such a change of direction is usually explained by the loss of the traditional support of the regime. Trying to seduce the working electorate, the government then decided to launch into a more ambitious social legislation. Such a scheme considers the acceleration of the social measures of the second half of the reign as a simple detailed answer to an unfavorable political context; social legislation of the Second Empire leaves little to overall consistency.It is precisely such a presentation that this thesis wished to question. For that, it proposed to redraw the history of the social legislation of the regime, from its origins to the last projects of power interrupted by the Franco-Prussian War.Well, this study underlines that Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, from his earliest youthful writings, turned his attention to the social question. His solutions in this area are based on two essential principles : order and progress. By promoting prosperity and economic development, stability was considered by the future Emperor as the first remedy for the difficulties of the working classes. The order regained, Napoleon III then wanted the adoption of more ambitious social measures.Thus, far from being guided by external constraints, social legislation of the Second Empire is actually part of a logic defined from the origins of the regime, forming a coherent whole.

"We Have to Record the Downfall of Tyranny": The London Times Perspective on Napoleon Bonaparte's Invasion of Russia aims to illustrate how The London Times interpreted and reported on Napoleon's 1812 invasion of Russia. This thesis explains how England feared its grip on Europe was slipping away due to a French takeover of the continent. This work details the English struggle in order to provide a broader analysis through a newspaper of how nations indirectly involved in the Napoleonic wars understood the conflict.

La perception du Second Empire français a longtemps été sujette à controverse dans l’historiographie française. Alors que le régime a été synonyme de honte nationale pendant plusieurs décennies, l’historiographie en a tracé un portrait peu flatteur qui a tardé à évoluer. Cette interprétation négative dure jusqu’aux années 1930-1940, à partir desquelles les historiens remettent en question les idées reçues sur le régime et le perçoivent positivement. En effectuant une critique externe et interne d’ouvrages publiés par des auteurs français sur le Second Empire depuis 1870, le présent mémoire vise à identifier les facteurs qui expliquent la lente transformation de la perception du régime et de l’Empereur. La critique externe démontre que les auteurs, le contexte historique et la discipline historique ont joué un rôle dans cette perception. L’analyse interne de la politique socio-économique, intérieure et extérieure du régime, ainsi que de la personnalité de l’Empereur, démontre que d’autres facteurs, comme l’utilisation de sources et la façon d’aborder le sujet, ont eu un impact sur l’évaluation de Napoléon III et du Second Empire. / The perception of the Second French Empire has long been a subject of controversy in French historiography. For a long time, the regime was synonymous with national shame, and historians presented Napoleon III in an unfavourable manner that persisted for decades. Negative interpretations prevailed until the 1930s and the 1940s, after which a number of historians challenged preconceptions about the regime and began to portray it positively. By performing external and internal analyses of books on the Second Empire written by French authors since 1870, this thesis identifies factors that explain the slow transformation of the understanding of the regime and the Emperor by historians. External analysis will demonstrate that authors, historical context and changing norms in the historical profession play important roles in the writing of French history. Internal analysis consists of examination of the regime’s socio-economic, domestic, foreign policies, and of the Emperor’s personality. It will show that other factors, such as sources used and angles from which a subject is studied, had an impact on the way authors construed the Second Empire and Napoleon III.

O propósito deste trabalho é estudar o delineamento e os usos políticos do imaginário francês e napoleônico na América portuguesa, especialmente durante o processo de reorganização da Corte bragantina no Rio de Janeiro de 1808 a 1821. Problematizamos esta temática por intermédio de três interrogações essenciais: (1) que imagens de Napoleão o governo português divulgou nos anos iniciais de sua presença na América?; (2) em que medida essas imagens sustentaram (ou não) atitudes de repúdio à França e aos franceses de modo geral? e (3) que alterações ocorreram nessas representações no período posterior ao término das Guerras Peninsulares e da queda de Napoleão? Constatamos o uso de muitas dessas imagens pelo governo joanino com a intenção de reforçar seu status político e o controle sobre seus súditos, bem como resquícios dessas representações no imaginário da América portuguesa mesmo após a queda do Império napoleônico apesar do restabelecimento das relações diplomáticas e comerciais entre França e Portugal e a positivação do elemento francês na Corte do Rio. / Our purpose is to study the outlines and political uses of French and Napoleonic imaginary in the Portuguese America, especially during the reorganization process of the House of Braganza and the Portuguese Court in Rio de Janeiro from 1808 to 1821. We inquiry that thematic through three essential questions: (1) which images from Napoleon the Portuguese Government publicized in the initial years of its presence in the America? (2) how did those images support (or not) the refuse attitude to France and to French people in general? and (3) what kind of changes occurred in those representations after the ending of Peninsular Wars and the fall of Napoleon? We verify that the use of those images by Dom João\'s government had the intention to reinforce his political status and the control over his subjects, as well as traces from those representation in the Portuguese America imaginary even after Napoleonic Empire fall despite of Diplomatic and Commercial re-establishment between France and Portugal and the French element appreciation in the Court of Rio.

O propósito deste trabalho é estudar o delineamento e os usos políticos do imaginário francês e napoleônico na América portuguesa, especialmente durante o processo de reorganização da Corte bragantina no Rio de Janeiro de 1808 a 1821. Problematizamos esta temática por intermédio de três interrogações essenciais: (1) que imagens de Napoleão o governo português divulgou nos anos iniciais de sua presença na América?; (2) em que medida essas imagens sustentaram (ou não) atitudes de repúdio à França e aos franceses de modo geral? e (3) que alterações ocorreram nessas representações no período posterior ao término das Guerras Peninsulares e da queda de Napoleão? Constatamos o uso de muitas dessas imagens pelo governo joanino com a intenção de reforçar seu status político e o controle sobre seus súditos, bem como resquícios dessas representações no imaginário da América portuguesa mesmo após a queda do Império napoleônico apesar do restabelecimento das relações diplomáticas e comerciais entre França e Portugal e a positivação do elemento francês na Corte do Rio. / Our purpose is to study the outlines and political uses of French and Napoleonic imaginary in the Portuguese America, especially during the reorganization process of the House of Braganza and the Portuguese Court in Rio de Janeiro from 1808 to 1821. We inquiry that thematic through three essential questions: (1) which images from Napoleon the Portuguese Government publicized in the initial years of its presence in the America? (2) how did those images support (or not) the refuse attitude to France and to French people in general? and (3) what kind of changes occurred in those representations after the ending of Peninsular Wars and the fall of Napoleon? We verify that the use of those images by Dom João\'s government had the intention to reinforce his political status and the control over his subjects, as well as traces from those representation in the Portuguese America imaginary even after Napoleonic Empire fall despite of Diplomatic and Commercial re-establishment between France and Portugal and the French element appreciation in the Court of Rio.

This thesis analyzes an anonymous portrait painting of the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808-1839), called by its descriptive title Seated Portrait of Mahmud II, within the context of the extensive portrait campaign commissioned by the sultan. Surviving examples from this series of diplomatic portraits share a unique set of intercultural iconographic vocabularies as a reflection of their time as well as implicit reinforcement of the sultan's political goals. By focusing on Seated Portrait of Mahmud II, I argue that a closer inspection of the campaign within a context that pays attention to Ottoman, European, and Persian visual practices reveals a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of its cross-cultural histories and visual as well as ideological references. Structured to reflect the tripartite composition of the artwork itself, this thesis addresses the style and iconographies of the background, middleground, and foreground, respectively. Following a focused examination of the sultan's portrait, I compare Seated Portrait of Mahmud II to two contemporary paintings: Napoléon Bonaparte as First Consul (1808) from France and Portrait of Qajar Ali Shah Seated on a Chair Throne (1807) from Qajar Iran. While bringing attention to the art-historical implications of a hitherto understudied, yet significant portrait of Mahmud II, my work reexamines the early-modern history of Ottoman art within the larger framework of cross-cultural encounters.