Why do some authoritarian states have competitive elections? This study shows that whenever there is a balance of power between candidates, competitiveness will ensue. Electoral fraud is often widespread in autocratic states, but if no single candidate or party is in a position to monopolize electoral support the result will be competitive. The contribution here is to analyze the relative strength of all the actors involved in a parliamentary election and to show that electoral returns reflect the district level balance of power, even in autocracies. Three main sources of candidate-level electoral power are identified: state, market, and society. State affiliated candidates in authoritarian states perform well due to favorable treatment by state institutions. Market actors perform well due to financial resources. These actors arise when market reforms create a class of entrepreneurs that defend their interests by running for public office, often challenging state sanctioned candidates. The strength of candidates using social cleavages, here mainly ‘clan’ and ethnic, is found to be exaggerated in the literature. The study also confirms that competitiveness did not result from an active civil society. Competitive  elections matter because they can severely destabilize the regime, as was the case in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. However, electoral competitiveness that is the result of an intra-elite balance of power should not be confused with democracy. This form of self-interested competitiveness where clientelism is pervasive and accountability mechanisms are weak is an affront to the democratic ideal. For those of us who advocate democracy and genuine political participation competitive authoritarian regimes can be used as an informative cautionary tale. Power matters, and especially so in authoritarian states. Understanding the logic behind competitive authoritarianism helps us revise strategies for lasting democratic reforms.

With over a billion people infected world wide, hookworms are considered as important human pathogens, particularly in developing countries which have the highest rates of infections. Hookworms reside in the gastrointestinal tract of the host where they continuously feed on blood, leading to conditions such as chronic irondeficiency anaemia. The majority of blood-feeding parasites rely on proteins found in blood to provide many of their nutritional requirements for growth, reproduction and survival. Of the numerous proteins found in blood, haemoglobin (Hb) is one of the most abundant. In order to acquire amino acids for protein synthesis, it is thought that haematophagous parasites degrade Hb using various classes of endo- and exoproteases, in a manner similar to that which occurs in catabolism of proteins in mammalian cellular lysosomes. This study identified and characterised proteases involved in the Hb degradation process in the human hookworm, Necator americanus, in order to identify potential candidate antigens for a vaccine that interrupts blood-feeding. Red blood cells ingested by hookworms are lysed to release Hb, which is cleaved by various proteases into dipeptides or free amino acids and these are taken up through the gut membrane by amino acid transporters. Proteases expressed in the intestinal tract of hookworms are thought to play a major role in this process and would therefore make good targets for vaccine candidates aimed at interrupting blood-feeding. To identify these proteases, adult hookworms (both N. americanus and Ancylostoma caninum) were sectioned and intestinal tissue was dissected via laser microdissection microscopy. RNA extracted from the dissected tissue was used to generate gut-specific cDNA, which then was used to create plasmid libraries. Each library was subjected to shotgun sequencing, and of the 480 expressed sequence tags (ESTs) sequenced from each species, 268 and 276 contigs were assembled from the N. americanus and A. caninum libraries, respectively. Nine percent of N. americanus and 6.5% of A. caninum contigs were considered novel as no homologues were identified in any published/accessible database. The gene ontology (GO) classification system was used to categorise the contigs to predicted biological functions. Only 17% and 38% of N. americanus and A. caninum contigs, respectively, were assigned GO categories, while the rest were classified as being of unknown function. The most highly represented GO categories were molecular functions such as protein binding and catalytic activity. The most abundant transcripts encoded fatty acid binding proteins, C-type lectins and activation associated secreted proteins, indicative of the diversity of functions that occur in this complex organ. Of particular interest to this study were the contigs that encoded for cysteine and metalloproteases, expanding the list of potential N. americanus haemoglobinases. In the N. americanus cDNA library, four contigs encoding for cathepsin B cysteine proteases were identified. Three contigs from the A. caninum and one contig from the N. americanus cDNA libraries encoded for metalloproteases, including astacin-like and O-sialoglycoprotein endopeptidases, neither of which had previously been reported from adult hookworms. Apart from haemoglobinases, other mRNAs encoding potential vaccine candidate molecules were identified, including anti-clotting factors, defensins and membrane proteins. This study confirmed that the gut of hookworms encodes a diverse range of proteases, some of which are likely to be involved in Hb digestion and have the potential to be hidden (cryptic) vaccine antigens. Four cysteine proteases (Na-CP-2, -3, -4 and -5) were identified from the gut cDNA library of N. americanus. All four proteases belong to the clan CA, family C1, share homology with human cathepsin B and possess a modified occluding loop. Real-time PCR indicated that all transcripts were up-regulated in the adult stage of the hookworm parasite with high levels of mRNA expression detected in gut cDNA. All four proteases were expressed in recombinant form, but only Na-CP-3 was successfully expressed in soluble form in the yeast Pichia pastoris. Proteolytic activity for Na-CP-3 was detected on a gelatin zymogen gel, however no catalytic activity was detected against the class-specific fluorogenic peptides Z-Phe-Arg-AMC and Z-Arg-Arg-AMC. Mass spectrometry analysis of the purified protein suggested that the pro-region had not been processed in trans when the protein was secreted by yeast. Incubation of Na-CP-3 in salt buffers containing dextran sulfate resulted in autoprocessing of the pro-region as detected by Western blot and catalytic activity was detected against Z-Phe-Arg-AMC. Activated Na-CP-3 did not digest intact tetrameric human Hb. The other three cysteine proteases (Na-CP-2, -4, and -5) were expressed in insoluble form in Escherichia coli. Antibodies to all four proteins (Na- CP-2 to 5) immunolocalised to the gut region of the adult worm, supporting mRNA amplification results and strongly indicated that they might play a role in nutrient acquisition. Hb digestion in blood feeding parasites such as schistosomes and Plasmodium spp. occurs via a semi-ordered cascade of proteolysis involving numerous enzymes. In Plasmodium falciparum, at least three distinct mechanistic classes of endopeptidases have been implicated in this process, and at least two classes have been implicated in schistosomes. A similar process is thought to occur in hookworms. An aspartic protease, Na-APR-1, was expressed in P. pastoris and purified protein was shown to cleave the class-specific fluorogenic peptide 7- Methoxycoumarin-4-Acetyl-GKPILFFRLK(DNP)-D-Arg-Amide. Recombinant Na- APR-1 was able to cleave intact human Hb and completely degrade the 16 kDa monomer and 32 kDa dimer within one hour. Recombinant Na-CP-3 was not able to cleave intact Hb, but was able to further digest globin fragments that had previously been digested with Na-APR-1. A clan MA metalloprotease, Na-MEP-1, was identified in gut tissue of N. americanus and was expressed in recombinant form in Hi5 insect cells using the baculovirus expression system. Recombinant Na-MEP-1 displayed proteolytic activity when assessed by gelatin zymography, but was incapable of cleaving intact Hb. However, Na-MEP-1 did cleave globin fragments which had previously been incubated with Na-APR-1 and Na-CP-3. Hb digested with all three proteases was subjected to reverse phase HPLC and peptides were analysed using Liquid Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (LC-MS). A total of 74 cleavage sites were identified within Hb ƒ¿ and ƒÀ chains. Na-APR-1 was responsible for cleavage of Hb at the hinge region, probably unravelling the molecule so that Na- CP-3 and Na-MEP-1 could gain access to globin peptides. All three proteases were promiscuous in their subsite specificities, but the most common P1-P1Œ residues were hydrophobic and/or bulky in nature, such as Phe, Leu and Ala. Antibodies to all three proteins (Na-APR-1, -CP-3, -MEP-1) immunolocalised to the gut region of the worm, further supporting their roles in Hb degradation. These results suggest that Hb degradation in N. americanus follows a similar pattern to that which has been described in Plasomdium falciparum. Studies conducted in this project have identified a number of potential haemoglobinases and have demonstrated that the gut region of the hookworm contains a multitude of proteases which could be targeted for production of new chemotherapies or as vaccine candidates. Results presented here also suggest that the Hb degradation process occurs in an ordered cascade, similar to those which have been reported in other haematophagous parasites. More importantly, it has been confirmed that Na-APR-1 plays a crucial role in the initiation of the Hb degradation process and therefore targeting this molecule as a vaccine candidate could provide high levels of protection against hookworm infection.

Au début du vingtième siècle, après deux décennies sans réforme électorale, le mode de scrutin devient un sujet de controverse. Cette étude se propose d’examiner les conditions du choix de la représentation proportionnelle par les membres de la Chambre des députés française ainsi que par d’autres militants. Au-delà de la rééligibilité législative, c’est à travers le changement du mode de scrutin (introduction du scrutin de liste et de la représentation proportionnelle) que le problème de la réélection apparaît sous la Troisième République. Les professeurs de droit constitutionnel, tant à Paris qu’en province, délaissent cette expertise malgré quelques entreprises militantes éparses. Leurs étudiants formulent alors un savoir académique vite enserré par les contraintes récurrentes des jurys de thèse. Nous cherchons à examiner pourquoi et comment le parlement s’est emparé de cette question. Si les conservateurs et les socialistes sont les plus zélés partisans de la représentation proportionnelle, on ne peut en rester au fait que les partis défendent des systèmes qui les favorisent le plus. Notre étude insiste sur la stabilité socio-biographique du recrutement parlementaire plutôt que sur les variations de majorité et donc d’intérêts. Il faut expliquer pourquoi et comment ce fut le débat parlementaire lui-même qui a pu aboutir à une réforme électorale. Le système mixte de 1919, entre proportionnelle et principe majoritaire, exprime cette tendance des députés à l’ « auto-critique » qui dessine in fine un « auto-portrait ». Progressivement, les circulaires ministérielles adressées aux préfets confondent ces problèmes en un seul mouvement qui tente de codifier l’organisation des candidatures qui pourrait être au fondement du renouvellement souhaité. Ce travail préfectoral retire aux seuls entrepreneurs électoraux le monopole de l’anticipation des résultats et en ménage une co-production administrative. Dans la production préfectorale, de nouvelles cartes des circonscriptions uninominales ont eu tendance à perpétuer le traditionnel « scrutin d’arrondissement ». Ces tentatives de réforme électorale spatiale ont également introduit une nouvelle échelle dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales. Cet élargissement de la capacité électorale a été rendu possible par une nouvelle représentation : la circonscription administrative du département a eu tendance à devenir le critère principal de la mobilisation électorale que ce soit pour la loi électorale de 1919 ou celle de 1927. / Early twentieth century, after two decades of indifference to electoral reform, the electoral system has become a controversial question. This study explores the factors that should been taken into consideration when members of the French Chamber of Deputies and some other activists have tried to choose “proportional representation”. Beyond its political and legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the Third Republic was influenced by manipulation of electoral rules – in particular the introduction of proportional and list voting. In Paris and in Province, professors desert this part of doctrine in spite of some militant activities. Students had produced their thesis under constraint because the boards of examiners were always the same. We seek to explain how and why Parliament becomes leader in this electoral reform. Conservatives and Socialists advocated more strongly the proportional representation. The problem is often stated on the level in which every political party prefers the electoral system that favors it. This study will underline the biographical and social effect of membership stability instead of change in partisan control of the legislature. We seek to explain why a parliamentary debate may lead to a change in the established electoral system. The mixed system of 1919, between proportional representation and majority principle, expresses the deputies’ trends to self-criticism which is also self- representation. Increasingly, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tend to conflate these elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating and predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them and the Prefects. First, new maps for single-seat districts have tended to perpetuate the traditionnal “scrutin d’arrondissement”. These attemps of spatial electoral reform have introduced a new scale in electoral campaign. This enlargement of electoral capability was made possible with a new representation : the administrative district of “département” has tended to become the main criterion in electoral mobilization whatever one of the two different electoral rules in 1919 and 1927.

This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.

Zusammenfassung Die Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Problematik der Nomination und Registration der Kandidaten für die tschechische Präsidentenwahl. Im Jahre 2012 genehmigte das Parlament eine Änderung der Verfassung, die die Wahl des tschechischen Präsidenten auf die direkte Wahl änderte. Im Zusammenhang damit kamen viele Fragen über die Nomination und Registration der Kandidaten für die Funktion des Präsidenten. Diese Fragen musste man nicht lösen, weil das Recht auf die Nomination des Kandidaten neu die Bürger bekamen, die eine Petition mit den Unterschriften mindestens 50.000 Bürger mit dem Wahlrecht vorlegen. Die Diplomarbeit bemüht sich diese Probleme zu analysieren und ihre Lösung vorzuschlagen. Nach dem Einführungsteil über die Geschichte der Anträge auf die direkte Wahl im tschechischen Verfassungssystem und nach der Rekapitulation der anderen Rechtsvorschriften, laut den man in einigen Fällen (Kandidatur der unabhängigen Kandidaten in den Komunal- oder Senatwahlen, bzw. Gründung einer neuen politischen Partei) eine Petition mit einer bestimmten Anzahl der Unterschriften vorlegen muss, folgt gerade dieser analytischer Anteil. In dieser Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich der Autor z.B. damit, auf welche Art und Weise bei der ersten tschechischen Präsidentenwahl das Innenministerium die...

No description available.

Este trabalho aborda a questão regional enquanto uma estratégia dos partidos na arena eleitoral. Ao acrescentar a dimensão partidária aos trabalhos que advogam pela regionalização dos distritos eleitorais de elevada magnitude, o intuito foi mostrar que é do sistema eleitoral, sobretudo da lista aberta, da magnitude e da estrutura da competição que emanam os incentivos à subdistritalização. Como uma perspectiva teórica alternativa à solução distributivista, o argumento é que o sistema eleitoral traz o elemento regional ao plano das decisões partidárias, isto é, a subdistritalização ocorreria em decorrência da ação intencional política que, com isso, garantiria a diminuição ou a ausência da competição intrapartidária no território. O resultado da análise da lista de candidatos brasileira reforça que o meio social e o político respondem aos fatores regionais, que influencia suas atitudes e estratégias. Por meio de uma dinâmica não política, mas geoespacial partidos encontram estratégias para lidar com as restrições institucionais a fim de atingir o sucesso eleitoral. / This thesis considers the regional question as a partisan strategy in the electoral arena. The goal is to show that from the electoral system, especially the open list proportional representation, the magnitude and the structure of the electoral competition, emanates the incentives for subdistricting. Therefore, partisanship is introduced, adding a new dimension to the scholarship that advocates for the regionalization of the high magnitude districts. When arguing that, in fact, parties decisions are influenced by regional elements which were fostered by the electoral system, this study pursues an alternative theoretical perspective to distributivism. Subdistricting is a byproduct of intentional political action, which, in turn, ensures the decrease or absence of intra-party competition over the territory. The findings based on the analysis of the list of candidates presented by parties in Brazil reinforces that the social and political environment responds to regional factors that influence their attitudes and strategies. Through a non-political, but geospatial dynamic, parties can strategically deal with the institutional constraints in order to achieve electoral success.

No description available.

No description available.

Táto práca sa zaoberá detekciou semafórov na snímkoch z kamery. Cieľom je nájsť vhodné nastavenie a kombináciu dostupných detektorov. V prvej časti práce je vysvetlený princíp funkcie použitých detektorov. Nasleduje zhodnotenie vlastností jednotlivých detektorov pred ich optimalizáciou. V ďalšej časti práce je popísaný proces testovania a evaluácie detektorov a predstavený nový systém pre zefektívnenie hľadania optimálneho nastavenia detektorov. V rámci optimizácie je popísaný effekt jednotlivých parametrov na chovanie systému a sú navrhnuté rozpätia vhodných hodnôt pre každý parameter. Taktiež je predstavené nové zapojenie detektorov sú nájdené optimálne pracovné body systému. Posledná časť sa zaoberá použitím vhodných metód na filtorvanie a zhlukovanie hypotéz. Nakoniec je prezentovaná celková funkčnosť systému pred a po optimizácii a výsledky sú zhodnotené.