Cette thèse a été bâtie sur l’hypothèse que les espaces interstitiels, secteurs en situation de marginalité et faiblement métropolisés, sont plus dynamiques qu’il n’y paraît de prime abord. Notre travail montre que la construction actuelle des statistiques tend à sous-évaluer la réalité urbaine de ces régions. Or, les petites villes sont une des clés du maintien, voire du renouveau, de territoires. Reconstituées selon des limites cohérentes, en tenant compte des communes de banlieue, les petites villes sont toujours des noeuds de résistance dans ces milieux particuliers : 78% d’entre elles sont en hausse démographique et 88% bénéficient d’un marché du travail florissant entre 1999 et 2006. En outre, il apparaît qu’un réseau christallérien structure encore le sud Massif Central, même si des modifications à la base sont survenues. Un constat quasi identique s’observe en Castille/Estrémadure, autre espace interstitiel. L’outil comparatif a permis de mettre en évidence les traits invariants qui décrivent les petites villes, mais également de souligner quelques différences, notamment sur le plan de l’aménagement du territoire. Ceci nous amène à une réflexion plus poussée sur les politiques publiques françaises. Certaines villes ont décliné, pour maintes raisons, et n’assurent plus une fonction d’organisation et de commandement de l’espace. Cette situation interroge les politiques publiques actuelles menées, notamment leur logique égalitaire. La solution ne consisterait-elle pas plutôt en une politique volontariste d’aménagement du territoire à destination, prioritairement, des villes les plus porteuses d’avenir, dans le cadre d’un renforcement des Régions ? / This thesis is founded on the hypothesis that interstitial spaces, i.e. peripheral andless citified zones, are more vibrant than they seem at first glance. Our research shows that the way current statistics are constructed tends to underestimate the urban reality of these regions. However, small towns play a key role in maintaining and even renewing territories. Reconstructed according to coherent borders, by taking into account suburban communities, small towns consistently represent pockets of resistance in these special environments : 78%are expanding demographically and 88% benefitted from a thriving labour market from 1999 to 2006. Moreover, it seems that a Christallerian network is still shaping the southern part ofthe Massif Central, even if basic changes have occurred. And almost identical phenomenonwas observed in another interstitial space, Castile/Estremadura. A comparative tool enabledus to reveal the invariant traits that describe small towns, but also to emphasise several differences, notably in terms of land management. This led us to examine French publicpolicy more closely. Certain towns have declined, for a multitude of reasons, and no longer fulfil the function of organising and controlling space. This situation challenges current public policies, notably their egalitarian rationale. Would it not be better to reinforce regions by adopting aproactive land management policy focused on the towns with the most promising future ?

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-05-09Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:03:00Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 reis_je_dr_assis.pdf: 2511093 bytes, checksum: aa87469c94ef2cddc07e83912b84ed2f (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Alfonso X, o Sábio (1221 - 1284), ascendeu ao trono de Castela em 1252, após a morte de seu pai, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considerado um dos monarcas mais poderosos do século XIII, herdou do pai uma política de centralização do poder real fundamentada na consolidação do território da monarquia e na unificação legislativa. Apoiando-se em um corpus documental formado por crônicas, códigos jurídicos e documentos régios do século XIII, esta tese mostra que Alfonso X foi um continuador dessa política de centralização. Sob seu reinado definiram-se as fronteiras do território da Coroa de Castela. Alfonso X completou o projeto de unificação jurídica esboçado por Fernando III ao substituir os vários códigos jurídicos locais, os chamados fueros, por uma legislação régia de caráter centralizador. Ao instituir uma legislação que garantisse a supremacia do poder real, Alfonso X provocou uma reação da nobreza ao seu projeto político. / Alphonse X, the Wise (1221 - 1284) ascended to the Castile throne in 1252, after his father's death, Fernando III (1199 - 1252). Considered one of the most powerful monarchs of the13th century, he inherited from his father a politics of centralization of the real power based on the consolidation of the monarchy territory, and on the legislative unification. Leaning on a documental corpus formed by chronicles, juridical codes and royal documents of the 13th century, this theory shows that Alphonse X was a continuator of that centralization. Under his reign, the borders of the territory of the Crown of Castile were defined. Alphonse X completed the project of juridical unification outlined by Fernando III when substituting the several local juridical codes, the so called fueros, for a royal legislation of centralizing character. When he implemented a legislation that would guarantee the supremacy of the royal power, Alphonse X provoked a reaction from the nobility to his political project.

abstract: The Iberian Queen Sancha (r.1037-1065), of the kingdom of León and Castile has received minimal attention from scholars. As the last Leonese heir, Sancha had the sole responsibility of ensuring that imperial traditions of patronage never waned. Her acts of giving and the commissioning of objects have been attributed by (male) scholars as an obligation to legitimize her husband, Fernando I of Castile. Persuasive evidence found in documents suggests that her involvement in donation transactions was predicated on more than formality. My thesis argues that Sancha used the act of giving, the act of commissioning objects, language in documents, and the powerful institution of the infantazgo, to assert an agency identical to her male predecessors to gain political influence. Creating a “donor profile” of Sancha that examines the total of her donating practices enables the exploration of her conscious and unconscious motives for donation. My investigation into these acts supports a new theory that the building construction projects of Sancha and Fernando I began at the beginning of their reign rather than after 1053 as is currently believed. As the first woman to use the titles regine emperatriz and regina totius Hispaniae, Queen Sancha did more than just legitimize her husband, she built a legacy that established a new female center of power in León that endured until the thirteenth century. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art History 2017

Vers 1460, le Triunfo de las donas que Juan Rodríguez del Padrón avait composé vingt ans plus tôt à la cour de Jean II de Castille fut traduit par Fernando de Lucena à la cour de Philippe III de Bourgogne : il s’agit vraisemblablement de la première traduction du castillan vers le français. Le traducteur ne fit que satisfaire à la requête d’un de ses amis, Vasco Queimado de Villalobos, originaire, comme lui, du Portugal et attiré en Bourgogne par la duchesse Isabelle, fille du roi du Portugal, Jean Ier, et troisième épouse de Philippe le Bon. La première partie de la thèse propose une étude de l’œuvre suivant différentes perspectives : la compréhension textuelle du Triunfo de las donas à la lumière de la biographie et des œuvres de l’auteur ainsi que du contexte historique, politique et culturel de la Castille sous Jean II, la diffusion du Triumphe des dames en Bourgogne et en France aux xve et xvie siècles, l’insertion de l’œuvre dans la mouvance des débats culturels contemporains, dont la Querelle des Femmes. La seconde partie propose une édition critique bilingue et en miroir du Triunfo de las donas et du Triumphe des dames précédée de l’apparat critique et de l’analyse comparative de la traduction avec le texte original. / Around 1460, the Triunfo de las donas, composed by Juan Rodríguez del Padrón twenty years earlier at the court of John II of Castile, was translated by Fernando de Lucena in the court of Philip III of Burgundy. This is probably the first Castilian translation into French. The translator was only satisfying the request of one of his friends, Vasco Queimado de Villalobos, a native, like himself, of Portugal and brought to Burgundy by the Duchess Isabelle, daughter of the king of Portugal, King John, and third wife of Philip the Good. The first part of the thesis proposes a study of the work following different perspectives : the textual understanding of the Triunfo de las donas in the light of the biography and works of the author and the historical, political and cultural Castile under John II, the diffusion of the Triumphe des dames in Burgundy and France in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the insertion of the work in the circle of influence of contemporary cultural debate, the Querelle des Femmes. The second part offers a critical edition bilingual and mirroring of the Triunfo de las donas and the Triumphe des dames preceded by the apparatus criticus and the comparative analysis of the translation with the original text.

À la fin du Moyen Âge, la noblesse est en pleine restructuration en Castille. La chevalerie, qui lui était jusqu’alors intimement liée, commence à s’ouvrir à de nouveaux venus dans le cadre des guerres de reconquête tandis que les rois Trastamare s’entourent d’une nouvelle catégorie sociale, les letrados, qu’ils ennoblissent fréquemment afin d’asseoir durablement leur pouvoir. La vieille noblesse de lignage se retrouve alors dépossédée de ses prérogatives auprès de la couronne.Dans ce contexte régi par les lois alphonsines des Partidas et par les théories du droit du juriste italien Bartole, le XVe siècle castillan est le théâtre de nombreuses guerres civiles, qui voient s’affronter les partisans des souverains et de leurs favoris de noblesse récente, et les défenseurs de la vieille noblesse. Le conflit entre la noblesse « qui se mérite » et la noblesse « qui s’hérite » n’a pas lieu que sur les champs de bataille. À chaque recrudescence du conflit, de nombreux nobles prennent la plume afin de défendre leur position en proposant un discours théorique sur la noblesse. Le camp des partisans de la noblesse de mérite défend ainsi une représentation de la noblesse fondée sur le mérite propre et les services rendus au roi. De leur côté, les défenseurs de la noblesse de lignage proposent une vision de plus en plus exclusive de la noblesse au cours du siècle. Leur dernier représentant, Ferrán Mexía, met ainsi en place dans son Nobiliario Vero publié en 1492, une nouvelle théorie basée non plus sur le lignage mais sur le sang, à l’origine du verrouillage de la noblesse au XVIe siècle. / At the end of the fifteenth century, the Castilian nobility is getting reorganised. Until then, nobility was profoundly linked to chivalry, but at that time, chivalry is opening to newcomers with the Reconquista war. Furthermore, a new social category is surrounding the Trastamare kings: the letrados, who are frequently ennobled by the kings, willing to strengthen their power. The old nobility, coming from lineage, finds itself deprived from its prerogatives regarding the exertion of power.In this context, ruled by the Alphonsine laws of the Partidas and by the legal theories developed by the Italian jurist Bartolus de Saxoferrato, the Castilian fifteenth century is the theatre of numerous civil wars, in which the supporters of the sovereigns and of their favourites recently ennobled fight against the upholders of the old nobility.The conflict between a nobility of merit and an inherited nobility is not only military but also literary. Every time the conflict gets more intense, numerous noblemen get to write to defend their position, proposing a theoretical discourse on nobility. The side of the supporters of the nobility of merit defend a representation of nobility based on personal virtues and the service rendered to their king. On the other side, the defenders of the inherited nobility propose a vision increasingly exclusive of nobility as the century goes by. Their last representative, Ferrán Mexía, establishes in his Nobiliario Vero, published in 1492, a new theory of nobility not based on lineage anymore but on blood. This theory is behind the locking of the Spanish nobility in the sixteenth century.

Em Portugal e Castela, entre fins do século XV e ao longo do século XVI, importantes espaços da monarquia foram ocupados pela Ordem de São Jerônimo. A presente tese ocupa-se de tratar dos incentivos dos monarcas desses dois reinos às casas jerônimas como parte da propaganda régia. Em especial trataremos dos dois monastérios mais favorecidos pelas monarquias: Santa Maria de Belém e San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. Os dois edifícios foram construídos por iniciativa real, em momentos de alargamento do poderia desses reinos em outros continentes e em contextos em que a possibilidade de união dos reinos peninsulares era vislumbrada, inicialmente por D. Manuel e depois por Felipe II. A pesquisa se ocupou em estudar documentos iconográficos, textuais e de cultura material, em especial, buscando compreender o discurso expresso nos edifícios aliados ao discurso oficial escrito sobre o governo desses monarcas. / In Portugal and Castile, between fifteenth century and sixteenth century, important spaces of the monarchy were occupied by the Order of St. Jerome. The present thesis deals with the incentives of the monarchs of these two kingdoms to monasteries of St. Jerome as part of the royal propaganda. In particular we will treat the two monasteries most favored by the monarchies: Santa Maria de Belém and San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. These two buildings were built on the initiative of kings, at times of enlargement of the kingdom and in contexts in which the possibility of union of the peninsular kingdoms was glimpsed, initially by D. Manuel and later by Felipe II. The research was focused on studying iconographic, textual and material culture documents, in particular, seeking to understand the discourse expressed in the buildings allied to the official written discourse on the government of these monarchs

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-11-07T19:38:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza Junior, Almir-Tese-Historia-2014.pdf: 1593509 bytes, checksum: 8389dad0fce8a1b5413610ea4ed64da3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-07T19:38:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza Junior, Almir-Tese-Historia-2014.pdf: 1593509 bytes, checksum: 8389dad0fce8a1b5413610ea4ed64da3 (MD5) / O presente trabalho analisa a teoria política desenvolvida durante a Idade Média, mais especificamente no reino de Castela e Leão durante o século XIII. O período abrangido pela análise, dos anos de 1252 a 1284, diz respeito ao reinado do monarca Afonso X, que recebeu o cognome “o Sábio”. Durante o seu governo, ocorre a produção de uma farta bibliografia nas matérias do direito e da história, na qual podemos identificar os principais pressupostos de um discurso político que busca ressaltar a superioridade da autoridade régia em relação aos demais poderes senhoriais existentes naquele contexto. Paralelamente à produção destas obras, temos um franco processo de arrefecimento das relações entre monarquia e aristocracia nobiliárquica no reino. O tensionamento na relação entre essas frações de grupo no poder chegou ao ponto em que os nobres se insurgiram por duas vezes contra o poder do rei. Lutando contra as interpretações reducionistas que afirmam que a elite senhorial dilapidava o poder das monarquias, buscaremos, ao longo da tese, enfatizar que tanto a nobreza como a monarquia eram grupos pertencentes a uma mesma classe social, compartilhando os mesmos valores e referencias de afirmação de classe. Por mais que tenham ocorrido disputas no interior da classe aristocrática, tanto a monarquia quanto a aristocracia não concebiam uma sociedade em que uma não dependesse da outra para subsistir. / The present work analyzes the political theory developed during the Middle Ages, specifically in the kingdom of Castile and Leon during the thirteenth century. The period covered by the analysis, from the years 1252 to 1284, covers the reign of King Alfonso X, who received the epithet “the Wise”. During his government, we have an abundant production of literature in the fields of law and history, in which we can identify the main assumptions of a political discourse that seeks to highlight the superiority of the royal authority in relation to other existing aristocratic powers in that context. Alongside the production of the work, we have an open process of cooling of relations between monarchy and aristocracy nobility in the kingdom. The tension in the relationship between these fractions of the group in power has reached the point where the nobles rebelled twice against the king’s power. Fighting reductionist interpretations that claim that the noble elite dilapidava the power of monarchies, seek, throughout the thesis, emphasize that both the nobility and the monarchy were groups belonging to the same social class, sharing the same values and references to assertation class.For more disputes that have occurred within the aristocratric class, both the monarchy as the aristocracy did not conceive of a society in which one did not depend on another to survive.

S’intéresser à la place de l’Islam dans les propagandes politiques du règne de Pierre Ier de Castille (1350-1369) amène à s’interroger sur les paradoxes et ambiguïtés du rapport à l’Autre. L’Islam désigne ici différents objets ; le terme fait référence à la fois à la puissance politique et militaire des Nasrides et Mérinides, et à un ensemble religieux et culturel. Leur instrumentalisation dans diverses formes de propagande, textuelles et architecturales, a pour but de renforcer le pouvoir de l’initiateur de cette propagande. La mise en lumière des diverses modalités de cette instrumentalisation permettra de questionner et reconsidérer la frontière politique, religieuse et culturelle dans la péninsule ibérique du XIVe siècle. L’exemple du règne de Pierre Ier montre à quel point la frontière avec l’Autre est mouvante et évanescente, et son renforcement ou son amenuisement dépend des intérêts politiques en jeu, des rapports de force, de la motivation des acteurs ou encore de différents types de convergence qui ont rendu possible l’intégration et l’assimilation de formes et de concepts artistiques, politiques et littéraires. En confrontant les types de sources et les points de vue, on pourra mieux saisir, dans son ensemble et sa complexité, le rapport excluant ou incluant que les chrétiens entretiennent avec l’Islam, tant dans leurs pratiques politiques que dans leurs représentations symboliques. En effet, l’Islam est utilisé comme une altérité tantôt positive, tantôt négative, mais il cesse parfois aussi de représenter une forme d’altérité. Ce rapport dialectique renvoie à la problématique de la place qu’occupe l’Islam dans la formation de la culture castillane ainsi que dans la construction de l’État Moderne. / Exploring the place of Islam in the political propagandas during the reign of Peter of Castile (1350-1369) leads to questioning the paradoxical and ambiguous aspects of an approach to Otherness. Islam here refers to various items: the political and military power of the Nasrids and the Merinids, as well as a religious and cultural body. The instrumentalization of these items through various forms of propaganda, either textual or architectural, aims at reinforcing the power of their initiator(s). Bringing out the various modalities of this instrumentalization will allow us to question and reconsider the political, religious and cultural frontier in the 14th century Iberian Peninsula. The example of the reign of Peter of Castile shows how shifting and ephemeral the frontier with Otherness can be, and its strengthening or its dwindling depends on the political interests at stake, the balance of power, the motivation of the protagonists as well as the different types of convergence which have allowed the integration and the assimilation of artistic, political and literary patterns and concepts. By confronting the various types of sources and points of view, it will be easier to fully understand, in its entirety and complexity, the either excluding or including relationship that the Christians have with Islam, both in their political practices and in their symbolic representations. Indeed, Islam is utilized as a form of otherness which is sometimes positive, sometimes negative, but it also occasionally ceases being viewed as such. This dialectical connection is closely linked to the part that Islam has played in the formation of Castilian culture as well as in the construction of Modern State.

The present study is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the intellectual history of early modern Castile by examining a work which has heretofore been ignored by historians of 'Golden Age' historiography - De motu Hispaniae, an account of the Comunidades of Castile (1520-1521) written by the Spanish humanist cleric Juan Maldonado (c. 1485-1554). In the Introduction we specify the methodology to be employed - a close reading of De motu Hispaniae - and survey current scholarship on Maldonado and on the intellectual history of Castile in our period. The argument proper begins in Chapter One, where we set the stage for our textual analysis by examining what little information we possess on Maldonado's life up to and including the year in which De motu Hispaniae was completed, 1524. Special attention is given to the two aspects of Maldonado's biography which are most relevant to our inquiry - humanism and patronage. With respect to the former, we show that the two figures crucial in his education at the University of Salamanca were the humanists Christophe de Longueil and Lucio Flaminio Siculo, who inspired him to pursue a career as a teacher of the studia humanitatis and introduced him to the classical writers whose influence is most evident in De motu Hispaniae - Cicero and Sallust. We also examine the relationship between Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, both of whom figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae. Maldonado's close ties to the latter are especially important, for in De motu Hispaniae he contrasts Osorio's loyalty during the Comunidades with the disloyalty displayed by his half-brother, the Comunero Bishop of Zamora, Antonio de Acuña., In Chapter Two we show that the comparison is modelled on Sal-lust's Bellum Catilinae, and we suggest that it may have been prompted, at least in part, by Maldonado's desire to defend his friend and patron against (false) charges that he betrayed his king during the rebellion. The bulk of Chapter Two is given over to the presentation of textual evidence from De motu Hispaniae which indicates that, in general, Maldonado subscribed to the canons and conventions which governed the practice of classical Roman historians and their Renaissance epigones. We also argue that Maldonado's 'philosophy of history' and his ideas on such historiographical basics as causation and periodization place him squarely in the humanist tradition, and distinguish him from the 'contemporary historians' of the Middle Ages, whose historiography reflected their religious training. Unlike these latter, Maldonado saw the historian's craft in remarkably secular terms, and De motu Hispaniae is devoid of the providential ism characteristic of much Castilian historiography. The best explanation for this, we suggest, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the political 'decline' of the early sixteenth century, the Hand of God was not easily discerned behind the destiny of Castile. Recognizing that the history of the Comunidades could not be written in pro-videntialist terms, Maldonado turned instead to a work which offered a secular interpretation of 'civil war' – Sallust's Bellum Catilinae. In Chapter Three we argue that Maldonado, a humanist is the literal sense of the word, was convinced of the value of rhetoric in public life, and committed to a 'Ciceronian' union of philosophy and eloquence. Not surprisingly, various forms of rhetorical discourse are also evident in De motu Hispaniae. After examining three aspects of this discourse oratio recta and two more or less complementary rhetorical formulae, one drawn from Sallust and the other from Cicero - we conclude that despite repeated professions of suprapartisanship, Maldonado's rhetoric reveals the depth of his ideological commitments. Our general conclusion is that Helen Nader is incorrect to assert that humanist historiography was a dead letter in sixteenth-century Castile. Our analysis of De motu Hispaniae shows otherwise, and also reveals that the two 'traditions' which Nader discerns behind the diversity of late medieval historiography contribute very little to our understanding of historical ideas during the 'Golden Age'. We suggest that an adequate understanding of this complex phenomenon might begin with a rehabilitation, with some revisions, of the currently discredited notion of an 'open Spain'. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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