This thesis is based on ¡§Socialism of Chinese Characteristics¡¨which discusses development of civil aviation in China and strategies for Taiwan¡¦s aviation sectors to participate in China¡¦s aviation market. ¡§Socialism of Chinese Characteristics¡¨ have become a theory system which integrates from each general secretary¡¦s core policies of Communist Party of China. The theory is still reconstructing according to the development of a changing Chinese society. ¡§Socialism of Chinese Characteristics¡¨ has guided government¡¦s overall policies in every aspect of development which maintain economic growth as prime purpose by implementing market economy¡¦s strength and keeping the country and society under severe control that shows specialty of openness and tight regulation of its political and economy system. The incremental growth of ¡§Socialism of Chinese Characteristics¡¨ is then an important guideline to look at the future development of civil aviation in China. The civil aviation industry in China itself has already gone through administrative reform, deregulation of civil aviation, lax regulation on foreign direct investment, etc. which enormously changed civil aviation¡¦s system of management and operation since the ¡§Reform and Opening Up¡¨, the process has in turn led Chinese government take civil aviation as a unique industry that fits into China¡¦s macro-contexts of political, social, and economic plans on regional economic development, multi-model transport system, high-end technology and foreign policy adjustment. Civil aviation in China now incrementally march to ¡§Open Skies¡¨ policy under Chinese government¡¦s support and propel China¡¦s civil aviation as a heavyweight not only in East Asia but also in global perspective by constructing ¡§hub and spoke¡¨ system that aims to reach china¡¦s long term goal of becoming an aviation superpower. During this critical time, China would absorb modern management model, aviation technology and foreign investment by co-operating with global players and reaching global standards in every aspect in order to enhance sound development of China¡¦s civil aviation. Taiwan¡¦s aviation sectors at this juncture then could use current traffic rights and contents of bilateral agreements with mainland China to both open up mainland China¡¦s aviation market and serve as supplier of mainland China¡¦s whole aviation system in which Taiwan¡¦s actors could invest on related industries, aggrandize it¡¦s aviation performance so that both parties could benefits from each other and that is key element for Taiwan¡¦s aviation sectors to stand firmly on Asia Pacific market.

Culture industry may strengthen a nation's soft power, elevate its economic structures, and promote social development. It is also a more environment-friendly industry. Therefore, almost all developed nations have established policies geared towards cultivating their own culture industry. Mainland China is no exception. It drew up the ¡§National "11th Five-Year Plan¡¨ Period Cultural Development Plan¡¨ in 2006 and the ¡§Plan on Reinvigoration of the Cultural Industry¡¨ in 2009, both signifying the official effort to include culture industry as one of the key focuses in national development. Mainland China cultural industry¡¦s production, raw materials and subject matter had been destroyed in Cultural Revolution. Government of Mainland China started to give an impetus in changing state-operated Culture industry into with a fixed percentage During the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, China's culture industry suffered great loss in production, material, and content. However, when Deng took over, his reform towards market economy led to a more liberal attitude in the Chinese government. Today, many previously state-owned culture-related businesses are partially private-owned, traditional culture industries see possibilities in new technologies such as mobile devices and tablets, and the balance between developments in eastern and western China is valued. All these changes serves a same goal, which is to promote the Chinese culture industry internationally. For China, the development of culture industry not only improves its consumer structure and increase domestic jobs, but also proceeds with environment protection in synergy by shifting the internal economy and industry structures. It is undoubtedly that China's enormous size is impactful among the world's cultural market, especially iii when supported by its government. Thus this paper adopts the "Chinese socialism" model of development and analyzes the Chinese culture industry policies.

abstract: Beijing, in its Twelfth Five-Year Plan for the National Economic and Social Development of Beijing (2011 – 2015), affirmed its intention to become a leading “World City with Chinese characteristics.” This research is based on an assessment of the proposed strategies contained within the 12th Five-Year plan that are grounded in the set of indicators (variables) closely associated with world city status. Indicator selection (e.g., percentage of foreign born population) is based on review of shared characteristics of world cities (e.g., Tokyo, New York, Singapore) constrained by availability of Beijing data; plus the significant academic literature on the topic from leading scholars such as Peter Hall. Using these indicators, Beijing’s baseline conditions and associated trends are established for assessment in a Status-Quo Scenario. Thereafter, interventions proposed by the Beijing Municipality to achieve world city status are evaluated. The results of this assessment will inform Beijing’s policy-makers regarding potential obstacles, pitfalls, or potential disruptions on the road to premier ‘World City’ status, and emphasize the need to undertake peremptory interventions and/or prepare contingency responses, as well as, inform stakeholders and decision-makers of critical and non-critical interventions recommended to achieve World City status by the year 2030. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Urban and Environmental Planning 2016

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This study examines how political-economic and socio-cultural influences had impacted the institutional development of HVE in China by investigating the historical development process of HVE between 1980 and 2007, when the country was undergoing tremendous political, economic, and social transitions toward building Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. With the research method of document content analysis, the study reveals causes, effects, and trends of HVE development through comparisons between HVE-related policy contents concerning major HVE institutional realities including contexts, missions, structures, access, tuition, curricula, teaching staff, graduate employment, funding and governance, and social status. Within a theoretical framework utilizing vocationalism, Confucianism, and neoinstitutionalism, analysis and discussion resulted in a number of findings. First, the development of HVE in China embodied a trend of vocationalism, which has led and is leading to higher education expansion, higher education restructuring, and a positive change of Chinese peoples views on careers. Second, in addition to its discrimination against skills/skilled workers, the mechanism of upward mobility entailed in Confucianism was another major reason causing resistance to HVE. Third, given the increasingly competitive Civil Service Examination, Chinese peoples views on careers were not synchronized to the mass higher education system that was underway in China. Fourth, while supporting HVE, vocationalism itself created problems for HVE. A new vocationalist view was needed for future HVE development. Confucianism may contribute to such a new vocationalist view drawing on humanities education and the mechanism of upward mobility, though its notion of scholar-officials was critiqued for impeding the development of HVE. Fifth, HVE students had been treated unequally in the whole process of studying in HVE from admission to participation to graduation. Sixth, from a neoinstitutionalist perspective, the development of HVE represented the process of its instutionalization, in which HVE needed to obtain legitimacy. Absence of legitimacy was the major reason causing various challenges facing the development of HVE. Seventh, the development of HVE indicated institutional isomorphic changes in Chinese higher education. Eighth, biased policy causing stratification of Chinese higher education was another major factor leading to various challenges facing HVE. / Adult Education

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當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.