Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:32:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LUCIA ABADIA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 941044 bytes, checksum: 456ccdd8221b11a346517273bd9da6ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-16 / This work sets up a general characterization of the Guardianship Councils (CTS) in Goiânia-GO and it investigates the actions of such boards. This study chose as the empirical unit CTS, by understanding them as legitimate bodies responsible for care of the rights of children and adolescents in the municipality. The goal is to delineate the professional and socio-economical profile and to exam the internal dynamics provided by CTS. It identifies the operation, expertise, political legitimacy and greater incidence of the demands made in a context of denial of social rights and continued violation of the rights of children and adolescents. It takes into account that the CTS have the precepts of the Statute of Children and Adolescents (ACE), the guiding principle of his actions and that the creation of the CTS is scheduled in its title V, 131. The ECA is understood as the result of collective struggle of mobilized sectors of civil society (National Movement of Street Boys and Girls, National Movement for Human Rights and others), in defending the rights of children and adolescents, as part of a broad process of efforts, actions and disputes in the construction of democracy and extended citizenship. The survey conducted revealed that, despite the advances and achievements, some of CTS in Goiânia-GO are away from ethical and political commitment as guardians of the rights of the segments at risk and social vulnerability. It is understood that this condition results from a vulnerable inhuman and unequal concentration of wealth that exposes, weakens and penalizes hundreds of families of low purchasing power which, by the situation of poverty (extreme or relative), have no power to enforce the vocalization of their rights before the authorities. Such Councils, however, are in continuous danger of being protected by the municipal executive, which in turn is assumed as a priority the zeal for the rights of children and adolescents in the municipality. These processes have produced a great gap in the field of rights, especially between what is legal (rights guaranteed by law) and situation (right denied) in Goiânia. Finally, having as the horizon the consolidation of citizenship rights of these segments, it is understood as one of the challenges that civil society must mobilize itself to ensure effectiveness of the mechanisms of democratic control, including the performance of CTS. It is expected that civil society strengthen the CTS, in the light of the principles of the ECA, including them as instances of building participatory democracy. / Neste trabalho define-se a caracterização geral dos Conselhos Tutelares (CTs) em Goiânia-GO e se investiga a atuação desses conselhos. Este estudo elegeu como unidade de análise os CTs, por entendê-los como legítimas instâncias responsáveis pelo zelo dos direitos da criança e do adolescente no município. Objetiva-se traçar o perfil profissional e socioeconômico dos conselheiros tutelares, e se analisa a dinâmica interna apresentada pelos CTs. Identificam-se as condições de funcionamento, competências, legitimidade política e a maior incidência das demandas apresentadas, em um contexto de negação dos direitos sociais e de contínua violação dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. Leva-se em conta que os CTs têm, nos preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e Adolescente (ECA), o princípio norteador de suas ações e que a criação dos CTs está prevista em seu título V, artigo 131. O ECA é compreendido como resultado da luta coletiva de setores mobilizados da sociedade civil (Movimento Nacional de Meninos e Meninas de Rua MNMMR, Movimento Nacional dos Direitos Humanos MDH, e outros), em defesa dos direitos da criança e do adolescente, e como parte de um amplo processo de esforços, ações e embates na construção da democracia participativa e da cidadania ampliada. A pesquisa realizada revelou que, apesar dos avanços e conquistas, alguns CTs de Goiânia-GO estão se distanciando do compromisso ético-político, como guardiões dos direitos de segmentos em situação de risco e de vulnerabilidade social. Entende-se que essa condição vulnerável resulta de uma desumana e desigual concentração de renda que expõe, fragiliza e penaliza centenas de famílias de baixo poder aquisitivo que, pela própria situação de pobreza (extrema ou relativa), não têm poder de vocalização para fazer valer seus direitos ante o poder público. Esses conselhos, no entanto, estão em contínuo risco de se tornarem tutelados pelo executivo municipal, que, por seu turno, não tem assumido como prioridade o zelo pelos direitos das crianças e adolescentes no município. Esses processos têm produzido uma grande lacuna no campo dos direitos, especialmente entre o que é legal (direito assegurado em lei) e a situação real (direito negado), em Goiânia. Por fim, tem-se como horizonte a consolidação dos direitos de cidadania desses segmentos, que a sociedade civil deve mobilizar-se para garantir a efetividade dos mecanismos de controle democrático, incluindo a atuação dos CTs. Espera-se que a sociedade civil goianiense fortaleça os CTs, à luz dos princípios do ECA, compreendendo-os como instâncias de construção da democracia participativa.

In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups¿ rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis ¿ taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups¿ rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people. / Addis Ababa University

In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups' rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis - taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups' rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1995204 bytes, checksum: 633f21a0b6ae7bab0d65d109081c52e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The traditional understanding of the concept of citizenship recognizes rights and obligations by reason of the attachments of certain groups of individuals to a State law order. This notion distinguishes between individuals who are or are not citizens of one State, as if they possessed certain equal status. It overlooks, however, rooted internal discriminations that distinguish citizens gradually, due to its more or less correspondence to homogeneous parameters and their belonging to social classes. Accordingly, even supposedly democratic states oppress qualitative minorities in veiled manner, defying human rights and disregarding duties that are internationally recognised. The study discussed in this dissertation is based on such statement, and admits the existence of graduated citizenship even among Brazilians. Furthermore, this study proposes to analyse the specific contribution of the Brazilian Judiciary in maintaining the limitations of citizenship in the country, either through direct violation, or through simple connivance. Thus, the dissertation starts with the following question: the role of the national Judiciary has contributed to the perpetuation of the limitation of citizenship rights for marginalized groups even while seeking parity of into-the-process conditions? The hypothesis of this study is that it is up to the courts to ensure the observance of these rights and duties, and if different degrees of citizenship in Brazil can still be found, the parameters and actuation on behalf of equality have not been sufficient to solve the problem. It may lead to the need to revise the paradigms that shape the self-understanding of Justice and how it sees the Brazilian citizen. From the answer of this problem, the dissertation intends to contribute to studies on citizenship and access to justice in Brazil from the joint analysis of these themes - which though commonly operated in isolated way, they act in synchrony on implementation and violation of human rights in Brazil. For this, this study adopts legal pluralism as a theoretical framework that uses primarily the method of dialectical approach, analysing the Law as part of the social totality. The results indicate the need to revise the procedural instrumentalism and reinforce the understanding of the process as subjective right to be satisfied from the dialogical participation. The study criticizes the limitations of the socialization process theory, among which the politicization of the Judge, the procedural slowness and the pursuit of efficiency of the Judiciary according to business criteria. Then, the dissertation proposes the adoption of a qualified democratic process that is timely, effective, appropriate and dialogical. Finally, it also recognizes the need to modify the parameter self-centered that understands the Law, going to examine in different kinds of ways according to the multicultural and multilegal state and through the democratic process. / Segundo a compreensão tradicional, o instituto da cidadania reconhece direitos e obrigações fundamentais em razão da vinculação de determinados grupos de indivíduos a uma orde m jurídica estatal. Essa noção distingue os indivíduos entre aqueles que são ou não cidadãos de dado Estado, como se concidadãos fossem dotados de certo status de igualdade. Olvida, contudo, discriminações internas enraizadas que distinguem os cidadãos de maneira gradual, em razão de sua maior ou menor correspondência a parâmetros homogêneos e seu pertencimento a classes sociais. Assim, mesmo Estados pretensamente democráticos oprimem de modo velado minorias qualitativas, afrontando direitos humanos e descumprindo deveres reconhecidos internacionalmente. O presente estudo parte dessa constatação, admite a existência de graduação de cidadania mesmo entre nacionais e propõe-se a analisar a contribuição específica do Judiciário brasileiro na manutenção das limitações de cidadania no país, seja por meio de violação direta, seja por intermédio de simples conivência. Desse modo, parte do seguinte questionamento: a atuação do Judiciário nacional tem contribuído na perpetuação da limitação de direitos de cidadania para grupos marginalizados mesmo enquanto busca a paridade de armas endoprocessual? Considera-se a hipótese de que se cabe ao Judiciário garantir a observância desses direitos e deveres e continua sendo possível constatar a existência de diferentes graus de cidadania no país, os parâmetros e a atuação em prol da isonomia não têm sido suficientes para solucionar o problema, o que pode ensejar a necessidade de rever os paradigmas que moldam a autocompreensão da Justiça e a forma como esta vê o cidadão brasileiro. Com isso, pretende-se, respondendo o problema, contribuir para os estudos sobre cidadania e acesso à justiça no Brasil, a partir da análise conjunta desses temas que, embora costumeiramente explorados de maneira isolada, atuam com sincronia na concretização e na violação dos direitos humanos no Brasil. Para tanto, adota-se o pluralismo jurídico como marco teórico e utiliza-se prioritariamente o método de abordagem dialético, analisando o Direito como parte da totalidade social. Os resultados alcançados indicam a necessidade de rever o instrumentalismo processual e reforçar a compreensão do processo como direito subjetivo, a ser satisfeito a partir da participação dialógica. Critica-se as limitações da teoria socializadora do processo, dentre as quais a politização do juiz, a morosidade processual e a busca pela eficiência do Judiciário segundo critérios empresariais. Propõe a adoção de um processo democrático qualificado e, por isso, tempestivo, efetivo, adequado e dialógico. Reconhece, também, a necessidade de modificar o parâmetro autocentrado com que se compreende o Direito, passando a analisá-lo de maneira plural, segundo o Estado plurijurídico e multicultural, e por intermédio do processo democrático.

The purpose with this dissertation is to study the Intersex phenomenon in South Africa, meaning the interplay between the dual sex and gender norms in society. Hence, the treatment by some medical institutions and the view of some non-medical institutions upon this ‘treatment’, have been studied in relation to the Intersex infant’s human rights and citizenship rights. The thesis has moreover also investigated how young Intersex children are included/excluded and mentioned/not mentioned within South Africa’s legal system and within UN’s Convention on the Rights of the Child. Furthermore, because Intersex children are viewed as ‘different’ on two accounts – their status as infants and born with an atypical congenital physical sexual differentiation, the thesis’ theoretical framework looks at the phenomenon from three perspectives – ‘the politics of difference’, human rights, and citizenship rights directed towards infants. The theoretical frameworks have been used to ask questions in relation to the empirical data, i.e. look at how the Intersex infants are ‘treated’ in relation to their status as ‘different’; and also in relation to the concept of being recognized, respected and allowed to partake in deciding whether to impose surgery or not. Moreover, what ‘treatment’ serves the best interest of the Intersex child? This has been done through semi structured interviews. In conclusion, some of the dissertation’s most important features are that since the South African society, like many other societies, strongly live by the belief that there are only two sexes and genders, this implies that Intersex infants do not fit in and become walking pathologies who must be ‘fixed’ to become ‘normal’. Moreover, since most genital corrective surgeries are imposed without being medically or surgically necessary, and are generally imposed before the age of consent (18), the children concerned, are generally not asked for their opinion regarding the surgery. Lastly because early corrective surgery can have devastating life lasting consequences, this ultimately means that the child’s human rights and citizenship rights are of a concern. These conclusions do however not ignore the consequences one has to endure for the price of being ‘different’.