This paper studies the police reform in Egypt in the light of the revolution 2011. The ousting of the authoritarian president Hosni Mubarak was the beginning of the transition towards democracy. Within 15 months both parliamentary and presidential election had taken place. The political leaders were new and the transitional process had begun however the institutions where still the same and one feature of the revolution was to reform the police since the police was hated as the oppressive power it was. Transition from totalitarian regime to democracy is more than elections it is about reforming the institutions and especially the security sector hence they often play a significant role in oppressing the citizens in an authoritarian state. The police in Egypt used repressive methods to control the citizens. Therefore it is interesting to investigate whether the police are beginning to transform along the principles of democratic policing, a specific part of security sector reform focusing on the reformation of the police. The notion of human security with the people at the centre lay as a foundation of the theoretical framework. The material consists of in- depth interviews with leaders and active people in the civil society and their view regarding police work and police reform after the revolution. The conclusions drawn from the study is that the police lack capacity, understanding and training to reform. The reformation has to be influenced by political will from legislative and institutional level as well from the police officers themselves. There are challenges if a reform of the police will be successful and some of them are connected with national and international circumstances.

This research focuses on civil society’s efforts to reduce poverty in Lesotho. The primary focus is on the networks that are formed in this process through a case study of World Vision International in Lesotho. According to the Millennium Development Goals Report (2008:9), the majority of Basotho live in increasing poverty, deprived, among others, of incomes that cover basic necessities like food, shelter and clothing. Although Lesotho is a relatively small Southern African country, it is faced with challenges that include chronic poverty (Bello, Letete, Rapapa and Chokobane, 2008:2). Both the State and civil society are concerned with alleviating this problem. In efforts to reduce poverty in Lesotho, a number of programmes and strategies have been applied, including the Millennium Development Goals operational artefact: Poverty Reduction Strategies. According to the MDG Report (2008:2), the prospects of Lesotho achieving the goal of reducing hunger and poverty by half by the year 2015 ranges from unlikely to potential. In the efforts of reducing poverty, both civil society and government ministries network to achieve this goal. In the current study, eleven organisations in a network, including government ministries, are discussed. Of the eleven organisations, seven are civil society organisations, while the remaining four are government ministries. This study is of a qualitative nature. Primary data was used in the form of structured in-depth interviews. Furthermore, a social network analysis was used for data analysis. The findings of this paper showed evidence of the role played by ‘networking’, in other words, although there was insufficient information concerning the ways in which World Vision International networks with other organisations in Lesotho, the findings from the interviews pointed at the importance of partnering and ‘networking’ with other organisations, as well as the role played by shared resources in the poverty reduction process. This research hopes to add to the literature on poverty in Lesotho generally and the importance of networking for poverty alleviation specifically. Furthermore, this study examines the networked involvement of World Vision Lesotho in development initiatives and poverty reduction approaches in Lesotho. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

The growth of the drug war and rates of narco-violence in Mexico has captured the attention of the international community, leading to international debates about the validity and effectiveness of the War on Drugs mantra. Since 2006, the Mexican government has been actively combating the cartels with armed troops, leading to high rates of human rights abuses as well as growing opposition to official prohibition policies. This thesis explores three movements advocating for alternatives to the Mexican drug war that have their foundation in civil society organizations: the movements for human rights protection, for drug policy liberalization and for the protection and restitution of victims of the drug war. These movements are analysed through a theoretical framework drawing on critical political economy theory, civil society and social movement theory, and political opportunity structures. This thesis concludes that, when aligned favourably, the interplay of agency and political opportunities converge to create openings for shifting dominant norms and policies. While hegemonic structures continue to limit agency potential, strong civil society advocacy strategies complemented by strong linkages with transnational civil society networks have the potential to achieve transformative changes in the War on Drugs in Mexico.

The thesis aims to suggest directions towards a defensible conception of citizenship and approach to citizenship education in Singapore. In recent years, citizenship in Singapore has centred around the themes of identity and participation. Among educationists in general, there is a recognition that citizens need to be prepared for involvement in the political process. In plural societies, however, there is no one set of values which can guide deliberation and resolve differences. Consequently, there are questions as to the values which could be advocated in citizenship education. The approach in this thesis is to analyse the concept of citizenship, with due consideration given to the values and assumptions of Singapore society, and its social, political and economic circumstances. This analysis is carried out in the light of the research and theorising on citizenship and citizenship education in England and Wales. Controversial issues exist on which there is no agreement on which society is divided. The neutral approach, which is sometimes suggested as being appropriate for handling such issues, is examined. The larger question of state neutrality is also discussed, and a case is made for state perfectionism. In addition, it is argued that there are legitimate variations in moral judgement, and an account is presented of the nature of moral thinking that admits of such variations. It is suggested that a common culture is important in a plural society because this provides the grounds for policy decisions, particularly where state perfectionism is espoused; it also allows for the development of a national identity. Developing this common culture requires public deliberation in exploring the values and issues concerning a society. Finally, the arguments that have been presented are related to citizenship and citizenship education in Singapore, and recommendations made.

In this topic there is analyzed the particularity of the creation of the Rule of law in Lithuania. The reality of the state life forced to choose this topic. The implementation of the idea of the rule of law – the fundamental aim of every state, because only the rule of law firms the humanistic basis, makes sure the ways of life‘s wellbeing, freedom, fight with bureaucracy. The aim of the rule of law is firmed in the preamble of the Lithuanian Constitution. It means that the activity of the institutions conforms to law. Equity, the rule of law, the protection of the rights and freedoms of the people are the main fundamentals of such state. The social, political and public relations change every day, therefore law, which regulates these relations, can not be stable, it has to change continually, and they depend on the characteristic of the relations. Therefore in the topic there are analyzed the problems, which are typical to Lithuania reaching the rule of law. There are examined how the theoretical model of the rule of law conforms to legal, social and economical reality of the state and how there are firmed the rights and freedoms of the people. Advanced civil society is essential condition of the existence of the rule of law. Only the civil society can create the rule of law, and the state can not develop as the rule of law without the civil society. There is accented the importance of culture and legal consciousness of the society to the creation of the model of the... [to full text]

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.

This thesis analyzes the relationship between NGOs and the democratization process in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. The conditions shaping both the civil society and political development are analysed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with NGO leaders in Kyrgyzstan. Despite relative freedom for NGOs, civil society in Kyrgyzstan is still in its infancy. Soviet era conception of roles attributed to state and society still persist especially among the governmental officials and general population. Despite the problems of building a democratic regime in Kyrgyzstan, NGOs have achieved a certain level of development. Through building functioning state institutions together with a lively political society primarily including political parties, the potential of NGOs for democratic development can be more fully utilized.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis presents a postcolonial critique of development and academic discourses in the context of the South Pacific. Focusing on Fiji’s aid industry, I challenge the apparent inevitabilities underpinning an increasingly narrow and parochial donor ‘good governance’ agenda in the region. I also confront geography’s sojourns in, and on, the ‘Third World’ laying bare a number of epistemological and methodological inconsistencies. Having exposed various definitional rigidities produced by these discourses, I emphasise the decentred and nuanced meanings and ways of envisioning ‘development’ enabled by postcolonial sensibilities. The thesis has three primary aims. First, to highlight the constraining and enabling aspects of discourses. I emphasise the productive features of development discourse; its framing attributes, fragility and transformative potential, drawing on the activities and intentions of NGOs and donor organisations operating in Fiji. Second, I draw attention to the way ‘identities’ form and shape aid relations in the country. Again, utilising examples from Fiji’s aid industry, I foreground the centrality of ‘traditions’, religion, gender and ethnicity in ‘development’ and critique their virtual silence in donor policies and programmes in the region. Finally, I ‘unpack’ the way academia intervenes in development settings. Here I suggest that any reflection on the relevance of research will inevitably involve taking methodology seriously and posing fundamental questions about why we are there in the first place. Advocating more than a methodological revisionism, I argue that ‘doing development differently’ will involve reorienting development relations and embarking on a far-reaching mission to subvert development’s self-evidence while proposing and supporting collaborative efforts that explore negotiated and newly emerging cultural forms.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This thesis presents a postcolonial critique of development and academic discourses in the context of the South Pacific. Focusing on Fiji’s aid industry, I challenge the apparent inevitabilities underpinning an increasingly narrow and parochial donor ‘good governance’ agenda in the region. I also confront geography’s sojourns in, and on, the ‘Third World’ laying bare a number of epistemological and methodological inconsistencies. Having exposed various definitional rigidities produced by these discourses, I emphasise the decentred and nuanced meanings and ways of envisioning ‘development’ enabled by postcolonial sensibilities. The thesis has three primary aims. First, to highlight the constraining and enabling aspects of discourses. I emphasise the productive features of development discourse; its framing attributes, fragility and transformative potential, drawing on the activities and intentions of NGOs and donor organisations operating in Fiji. Second, I draw attention to the way ‘identities’ form and shape aid relations in the country. Again, utilising examples from Fiji’s aid industry, I foreground the centrality of ‘traditions’, religion, gender and ethnicity in ‘development’ and critique their virtual silence in donor policies and programmes in the region. Finally, I ‘unpack’ the way academia intervenes in development settings. Here I suggest that any reflection on the relevance of research will inevitably involve taking methodology seriously and posing fundamental questions about why we are there in the first place. Advocating more than a methodological revisionism, I argue that ‘doing development differently’ will involve reorienting development relations and embarking on a far-reaching mission to subvert development’s self-evidence while proposing and supporting collaborative efforts that explore negotiated and newly emerging cultural forms.

This thesis is centrally concerned with the question of how non-government organisations (NGOs) can support marginalised young people and the role the state plays in facilitating this. It utilises a comparative case study methodology and examines the circumstances of two NGOs, Twenty10: Gay and Lesbian Youth Support, located in Sydney, Australia and the Albert Kennedy Trust (AKT) which is located in both London and Manchester in the United Kingdom. Twenty10 and AKT share a similar client base: both work with gay, lesbian, bisexual and/or transgendered (GLBT) young people experiencing homelessness or in a housing crisis. Both also engage in advocacy and service provision. At the time of my fieldwork Twenty10 and AKT differed in two key respects. First, AKT operated in a political context that was significantly more open to NGO advocacy than was the case for Twenty10. Second, AKT was supported almost entirely by the work of volunteers and through philanthropic support, whereas Twenty10 received the bulk of its funding from government. These differing factors allow a consideration of how the varying nature of an NGO???s relationship with the state impacts upon their activities within varying political contexts. The theoretical frameworks drawn upon in this thesis are those of citizenship theory and queer theory. Citizenship theory is particularly useful in analysing the objectives of Twenty10 and AKT, which focus on redressing the distributive and recognition based needs of their young people. The strategies employed by these organisations are also both subsumed within the normative framework of citizenship theory ??? while nonetheless being dependent upon how closely each engages with the state. These case studies are situated against the queer critique of citizenship discourses, which emphasise its normalising and de-politicising consequences. As such, this thesis evaluates critiques of forms of activism that involve citizenship-focused issues and engagement with the state, and hence examines the effect a relationship with the state can have upon an NGO???s work.