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M. Tech. Business Administration / The study is aimed at determining the differences in perceptions of graduates who have participated in an internship programme and those of graduates who have not participated in such a programme. It also looks at the perceptions of employees of the public service toward the internship programme that is introduced in Tshwane.

published_or_final_version / Real Estate and Construction / Master / Master of Science in Construction Project Management

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Social Sciences

武舉常科創自武曌（則天），長安二年（702）始設。歷後各朝，除元代不開武科，宋、金、明三代偶有停罷，武科相沿一千二百年，幾與文科相埒。職是之故，近世中國之造士與選士，於文科、儒學、儒經、文廟一系之外，另有武科、武學、武經、武廟一系。兩系雖各有輕重，然並駕駢行千餘載，交互制衡，以保政治之平穩暢達。 / 入關伊始，清廷即詔令因襲前明舊制，開設文武科考。自順治二年（1645）開科鄉試，至光緒二十七年（1901）正式廢除，清代武科持續運作二百五十餘年，幾與王朝相伴始終。清代武科之主要層級同於文科，皆始於童試，繼而鄉試、會試，終於殿試。各級武考中式者，亦相應得授武生員、武舉人、武進士出身。武科各級考試，均分別外場、內場進行，以外場試武藝，內場試文藝。錄取權衡時外場重於內場，外場技藝之中，馬、步箭及開弓又重於舞刀、掇石。 / 清代武科之制度設計及考試內容，延續中國歷代選士「文武合一」之一貫理想，然現實中卻文武殊途。清代武科之設計與運作，既體現旗民之別，八旗內部又有滿蒙與漢軍之別、京旗與駐防之別。武科之正面影響遠不及文科，然文武科考皆為常規掄才途徑，兩者所揭櫫清代政局大勢與掄才需求之變化，實際異曲同工。通過文武兩途考選，清代科考人才之宏觀佈局，呈現南方文風熾盛、北方技勇突出之特徵。武進士之初始授職，以皇宮侍衛及地方營、衛守備為主，然武科選途清初即病壅滯，實授遷轉甚難。 / 清廷之復武科，宣稱旨在遴選「干城之才」，以為「腹心之寄」。然武科內場考試，自乾隆朝廢止《四書》，嘉慶朝盡廢論、策之試，改為默寫《武經》，日漸形同虛設。武科士子之文化素養，亦日益下降。武科外場所試技藝，係屬展示表演，而非對抗實戰。而且，自乾隆間改試鳥槍之議被禁，外場各項冷兵器技藝考核陳陳相因，與實際戰局日漸疏離。職是之故，清代中期以降，武科越益頹化為授予功名之儀式與恩榮，而非掄才要徑、晉身要途。武進士初始授職之品級，雖遠較文進士為高，然武科出身之仕途前景與政治影響遠不及文科。更有甚者，武科內、外場不僅弊情嚴重，不少武科士子更危害一方，成為地方社會亂源，大悖設科初衷。 / 清代武科出身雖有功勳卓著、官居高位者，然究屬鳳毛麟角，且集中於清代初中期。整體而論，這套幾乎橫貫全國、縱跨全清之掄才制度，得材甚少。其對帝國整體軍事力量，亦鮮少實質促進。然武科之存續，仍有平衡文武、調劑滿漢之功用，清廷既可藉此驅策雙方、維持動態均勢，又可以之宣示恩典威權、籠絡地方。因此，清代武科雖然實效不彰，卻又相沿不輟。必至清末內憂外患之鉅變衝擊，始與文科相繼停廢。復因武科之影響遠不及文科，故廢除武科所致近代中國社會之震盪，亦不可與停廢文科同日而語。 / Established by Empress Wu in 702, the imperial military examination system lasted, albeit having been suspended in the entire Yuan dynasty and in part of the Song, Jin and Ming dynasties occasionally, for 1200 years, which was nearly as long as the period of existence of the imperial civil examination system. In effect, the military examination system, associated with military schools, military classics and military temples, functioned as a mechanism parallel to the civil examination and its related institutions (i.e., Confucian schools, Confucian classics and Confucian temples) for cultivating and recruiting talents in late imperial China. Although the two systems exerted influence in different degrees on the Chinese empire, they co-existed and managed to keep a balance between them for more than a millennium so as to contribute to the stable and smooth governance of traditional China. / The Manchu court, immediately after entering Beijing, decreed to resume the civil and military examinations by adopting the former Ming institutions. Since its restoration in 1645, the military examination system ran consecutively for more than 250 years until it was eventually abolished in 1901. The vertical levels of the military examination, which were the same as those for its civil counterpart, included Tongshi (examination for junior students), Xiangshi (provincial examination), Huishi (metropolitan examination), and Dianshi (palace examination). Candidates who passed examinations at different levels were conferred the corresponding status of Wushengyuan (military government students), Wujuren (military provincial graduates) and Wujinshi (military metropolitan graduates). At each level, the military examination consisted of the outer session for tests of martial arts and physical strengths and the inner session on military classics and literary abilities. As for selection criteria, the outer session often carried greater weight. Among the examination items for the outer session, mounted archery, standing archery and bow-drawing were more important than long-handled sword-brandishing and stone-lifting. / To integrate literary and martial competence, the long-standing ideal of talent-recruitment in traditional China, was also materialized in the Qing military examination. In reality, however, the civil and military tracks diverged remarkably from each other. The design and implementation of the military examination system evinced a clear distinction between banner people and commoners. Even within the Eight Banners, there were different arrangements for Manchus, Mongols and Han military bannermen, and for capital banners and provincial garrison banners as well. In terms of positive influence, the military examination system could not compare with the civil one. However, the vicissitudes of both the civil and military examination systems, as components of the mechanism for the recruitment of talents, reflected almost similarly the changes in political development and the correspondent needs for helps from social elites in Qing times. Under these two systems, the macro-spatial distribution of talented candidates in the Qing demonstrated that those from the south were versed in literary skills, whilst those from the north were excellent in martial arts. The initial position for a newly admitted military Jinshi was usually the imperial guard or mid-ranking officer in the local Green Standard Army. But the career prospects of the military degree holders started to dim as early as the beginning of the dynasty. The situation became increasingly difficult afterwards when promising appointments with promotion prospects were hard to come by. / The Qing court constantly claimed that the restoration of military examination aimed at nurturing able military talents to serve as reliable defenders of the empire. Yet after Emperor Qianlong cancelled the test on The Four Books and Emperor Jiaqing further replaced discourse essay composition with short paragraph writing of the military classics from memory, the inner session of the examination was gradually turned into something in name only. The result was an increasing decline of the overall literary level of the candidates. More problematically, the test of martial skills in the outer session of the examination was more on individual demonstrative performance than actual confrontational combat. And since Emperor Qianlong had banned the inclusion of musket as an item of examination in the outer session, the use of traditional cold weapons and relevant skills were tested repeatedly without substantial reform, making the examination further and further irrelevant to actual warfare. Thus after the mid-Qing era, the military examination degenerated gradually into something ceremonial and honour-endowing, rather than a key mechanism of talent recruitment. Despite the superior rankings of initial appointments, the subsequent career prospects and political influences of the military Jinshi were far less favorable than those of their literary peers. What further worsened the situation was the phenomenon that, apart from severe malpractice and corruption in the examination, many military degree holders even committed infamous deeds and thus became the source of unrests in local society, starkly betraying the original intention of the institution of imperial examination. / Cases of military degree holders who performed meritoriously in military and political realms did exist. They were nevertheless rare and mainly appeared during the first half of the dynasty. A holistic evaluation of the military examination system, which was operated spatially all over the empire and temporally nearly throughout the entire dynasty, nurtured few serviceable military talents. It could therefore hardly make significant contribution to the empire’s overall military strengths. Paradoxically, the military examination system did continue to function as an institution to balance the civil and military sectors, and Manchus and the Han, in terms of interest and power. In adopting it, the Manchu court could manipulate both sides and keep a dynamic balance between them, meanwhile bestowing favours on, declaring authority over, and winning the support of society. Therefore, the military examination system remained in operation although it did not work effectively as a due talent-recruiting institution. It was officially abrogated, shortly before the abolition of its civil counterpart, in the very late period of the Qing under the impact of a series of social upheavals and tremendous political changes, amid external military threats. As the influence of the military examination system could nowhere match that of the civil examination system, the abolition of the latter seemed to have brought a much bigger shock to Chinese society in transition to the modern era. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李林. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 345-360). / Abstracts also in English. / Li Lin.

趙雨樂. / 複印本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Fu yin ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 308-316). / Zhao Yule. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 一 --- 緒論 / Chapter 二 --- 唐末五代三班官制之發展及其武官化趨勢 / Chapter (一) --- 唐代三班官制之形成過程 / Chapter (二) --- 五代三班官制之擴充下與軍制之接合現象 / Chapter (三) --- 五代三班之職責類別 / Chapter (四) --- 五代三班官武官化趨勢之總檢討 / Chapter 三 --- 五代宋初三班官之轉遷途徑－三班官軍職與使職性格初探 / Chapter (一) --- 五代宋初軍職與使職系統之內容 / Chapter (二) --- 三班官在使職與軍職二系統內之轉遷形態 / Chapter (三) --- 親軍系統逐漸確立下使職性格之凝固─宣徽院地位之轉變與三班院成立之背景 / Chapter 四 --- 宋初之三班官制及其改革 / Chapter (一) --- 宋初三班職名考實 / Chapter (二) --- 太祖、太宗前期三班官制之承襲與演變 / Chapter (三) --- 太宗後期三班官制之改革 / Chapter 五 --- 三班差遣之確立與帝王新興耳目之產生 / Chapter (一) --- 三班官階與差遣類目之關係 / Chapter (二) --- 三班官制改革下賤職觀念之強化 / Chapter (三) --- 三班親信功能之沒落與新興監察機構之出現 / Chapter 六 --- 結論 / 附表 / 唐末至宋初三班職名發展簡表 / 五代殿直與內殿直本班基層之發展簡表 / 五代三班結構完整下之職官簡表 / 殿前親軍與羽林軍之發展規律簡表 / 殿直軍吸納殿直本班之簡表 / 控鶴軍吸納控鶴本班之簡報 / 五代三班官各種職責簡表 / 五代三班官從事各種活動性質之統計總表 / 五代至宋初三班本班與軍、廂之轉遷關係表 / 五代至宋初諸司使職名之承襲與轉變簡表 / 《長編》卷八四、真宗大中祥符八年正月聖節、南郊恩蔭簡 / 表 / 《長編》卷一四五、仁宗慶曆三年十一月 （一至四品）恩蔭 / 簡表 / 《宋史》卷一六九、職官九、流外出官法簡表 / 《長編》所見宋代中期三班官與差遣類目之配搭關係表 / 北宋中期三班官階與差遣關係總表 / 徵引書籍及論文

Why does merit-based elite recruitment exist under authoritarianism, notwithstanding its adverse impact on elites' private interests? In my dissertation, I develop an argument that centers on the role of upward mobility in authoritarian regime dynamics. I argue that merit-based elite recruitment provides individuals from non-elite background an opportunity to move into the ruling class by effort; it enhances their perception of upward mobility and thus reduces their discontent with the status quo. An authoritarian ruler, therefore, may deliberately adopt and institutionalize meritocracy in elite recruitment to engineer limited but sustained upward mobility, which co-opts large numbers of non-elites and helps stabilize the regime. Focusing on the case of China and its national civil service examination (NCSE), I draw on qualitative, quantitative, and experimental evidence to triangulate the complex dynamic between the CCP leadership, local officials, and ordinary citizens in merit-based elite recruitment. I employ two survey experiments to demonstrate that, by imposing institutional constraints on local officials, the CCP leadership can make its commitment to merit-based recruitment credible and enforceable. Analyzing data from two national representative surveys, I find that the institutionalization of NCSE forges a widespread and persistent perception of upward mobility among citizens eligible for the exam and weakens their pressure on the regime for income redistribution; it also strengthens public support for local government and contributes to the legitimacy of the CCP regime. These findings contribute to our understanding of the effects of meritocracy under authoritarianism and highlight the importance of upward mobility in relation to regime resilience.

by Chim Wing Ming. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 58-60). / Chapter I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.6 / Chapter II. --- METHODOLOGY --- p.8 / Chapter III. --- FRAMEWORK FOR HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT --- p.11 / Differences between HRM and Personnel Administration --- p.11 / Reasons behind the rise of HRM --- p.13 / Principles of HRM --- p.14 / Aim of HRM --- p.19 / Conducive Factors for Implementation of HRM --- p.20 / Implementation of HRM : Some Empirical Findings --- p.25 / Chapter IV. --- HONG KONG GOVERNMENT : A CASE STUDY OF HRM --- p.30 / Background --- p.31 / The Need for HRM --- p.33 / Aims of HRM --- p.34 / Features of HRM in the Hong Kong Government --- p.35 / Factors Affecting the Implementation of HRM --- p.47 / Chapter V. --- CONCLUDING REMARKS --- p.53 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.58 / ANNEXES / Chapter 1. --- A List of Questions Asked in the Interview / Chapter 2. --- Stereotypes of Personnel Management and Human Resource Management / Chapter 3. --- Information Sheet about Education Department / Chapter 4. --- Human Resource Management Framework set up by Civil Service Branch / Chapter 5. --- Aspirations for HRM Policy and Practice set by Civil Service Branch / Chapter 6. --- Civil Service Branch HRM Review : Initial Management Improvements / Chapter 7. --- Vision of Education Department / Chapter 8. --- HRM Programme Plan of Education Department (January1997)

譚秀影. / "2008年8月". / "2008 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-170). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Tan Xiuying. / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 / Chapter 第一節： --- 導言 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節： --- 前人硏究回顧 --- p.10 / Chapter 第三節： --- 史料簡介 --- p.16 / Chapter 第二章： --- 唐、遼、北宋科舉與官學 / Chapter 第一節： --- 唐代科舉與官學 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉 --- p.19 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 唐代官學 --- p.21 / Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉與官學關係 --- p.22 / Chapter 第二節： --- 遼代科舉與官學 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉 --- p.24 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 遼代官學 --- p.25 / Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉與官學關係 --- p.26 / Chapter 第三節： --- 北宋科舉與官學 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法前的科舉與官學 --- p.27 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法實行後的科舉與官學關係一一以三舍法爲切入點頁 --- p.29 / 小結 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章： --- 金代科舉與官學簡介 / Chapter 第一節： --- 金代漢人科舉 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 金代科舉的演變一一南北分選至倂南北選爲一的過程 --- p.36 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 考試程序、科目及時間 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二節： --- 金代漢人官學 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學槪況 --- p.44 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 金代學校經費來源 --- p.45 / Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 官學的整體一一廟與學 --- p.46 / Chapter 第三節： --- 女真進士與女真官學 / 小結 / Chapter 第四章： --- 朝廷政策中科舉與官學關係 / Chapter 第一節： --- 選士方式：科舉考試與學校考選的取向 --- p.53 / Chapter 第二節： --- 興辦官學與進士教育 / Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學錄取學生的條件與舉人釋義 --- p.63 / Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 官學講授的內容與應考進士科的關係 --- p.69 / 小結 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章： --- 晉地進士與官學關係 / Chapter 第一節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（一）：晉地綜論 --- p.73 / Chapter 第二節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（二）：府州情況 --- p.77 / Chapter 第三節： --- 進士分佈與官學關係（三）：府州治所及其轄縣情況 --- p.80 / Chapter 第四節： --- 朝廷政策對地方進士及官學關係的影響 --- p.86 / 小結 --- p.91 / Chapter 第六章： --- 結論 / Chapter 第一節： --- 金代科舉與官學關係 --- p.93 / Chapter 第二節： --- 唐至金科舉與官學的演變 --- p.95 / Chapter 附錄一´Ø --- 晉地整體進士表 / Chapter 一(1) ´Ø --- 西京路進士與官學表 --- p.99 / 西京路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.113 / Chapter 一(2)´Ø --- 河東北路進士與官學表 --- p.114 / 河東北路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.129 / Chapter 一(3) ´Ø --- 河東南路進士與官學表 --- p.130 / 河東南路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.149 / Chapter 附錄二´Ø --- 府州學與府州進士分佈表 --- p.151 / 府州進士人數分佈歸納圖 --- p.153 / Chapter 附錄三´Ø --- 應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈表 --- p.154 / 應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.156 / Chapter 附錄四´Ø --- 應州、太原府、澤州轄縣進士分佈及縣學表 --- p.157 / 應州、太原府、澤州轄縣進士分佈及縣學歸納圖 --- p.158 / Chapter 附錄五´Ø --- 晉地地圖 / Chapter 五(1)(甲）´Ø --- 西京路區域圖 --- p.159 / Chapter 五(一)(乙）´Ø --- 西京路轄下各府州區域圖 --- p.160 / Chapter 五(二)(甲）´Ø --- 河東北路、河東南路區域圖 --- p.161 / Chapter 五(二)(乙）´Ø --- 河東北路、河東南路轄下各府州區域圖 --- p.162 / 參考書目 --- p.163