The first part of this thesis sums up ideas, which the author had published in his essays. These ideas are mostly focused on the relationship between the class structure of current western societies and economic policy preferred by the governments. The next part is dedicated to Charles Wright Mills, his sociological method, his contribution to sociology of 50th as well as his heritage for current sociological thinking. Three idea streams, which can be used for supplementing Mills' point of view, are explained: public choice economy (mainly its version of Gordon Tullock), new class theory and theory of business innovation. New typology of business innovation is developed in this part. The core of this thesis consist in discussion of Mills' propositions about the growth of bureaucratic organizations, birth of white collars as a massive social class and its impact on social structure, economic development and political development of western societies. Mills conclusions are looked on in the light of socioeconomic development during 60 years since the first publishing of White collar. They are also compared with key finding of idea streams mentioned above. Theory of impact of growth of big bureaucracy on economic and political development is formulated that specifies and supplement Mills' theory. The...

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T16:57:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicero_PedroHenriquedeMoraes_M.pdf: 1460228 bytes, checksum: 7491cb280a676248d94635a9a71ff3b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade / Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Rubem Murilo Leão Rego / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T11:15:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pascoal_Isaias_D.pdf: 17135356 bytes, checksum: 313940e099f76977965abd53766734a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa procura explicar a forma como a força de trabalho se reproduziu socialmente no sul de Minas no século XIX, constituindo-se no elemento fundamental da reprodução do sistema econômico que aí se configurou. Sem desconhecer a importância do poder condicionante das várias instâncias da vida social, notadamente da economia e da cultura, ela enfatiza a proeminência do poder politico, exercido em nível local e nacional pelos mais diversos sujeitos sociais, comoo ponto definidor do processo que permitiu a contínua sujeição da força de trabalho escrava, diversamente configurada, que conviveu ao lado de uma massa heterogênea de trabalhadores livres. Só no decorrer de um longo processo histórico foi possível o aparecimento de condições que impediram a continuidade do processo de reprodução social, conduzindo os vários atores à busca de novos arranjos capazes de sustentar a produção econômica e o status e a hierarquia social por ela sustentados / Abstract: This research aims at explaining the way work force has been produced socially in the South of Minas in the nineteenth century, basing on the fundamental element of the reproduction of the economic system that there took place. Not unknowing the importance of the conditioning power of the various levels of social life, especially economic and culture, it emphasizes the preeminence of the polítical power exercised in local and national level by the most diverged social subjects, as the defining point of the process which allow the continuous subordination of the slave work force, diversely configured, which existed together with a heterogeneous mass of free work. Only in the running of a long historic process was it possible the appearing of conditions which prevented the continuity of the process of social reproduction, leading the various actors in search of new arrangements capable of sustaining the economical production and status and the social hierarchy sustained by it / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

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The aim of this thesis is to compare the concept of sin in the theologies of Ellen G. White and Leonardo Boff. Chapter 1 examines Ellen G. White's concept of sin. White's historical and theological backgrounds coupled with her use of the "great controversy" motif provide a better grasp of her understanding of sin. White defines sin as the transgression of God's Law. She views sin to comprise at least two dimensions, namely, the individual and the social. White regards these two aspects of sin to have equal significance. White's detailed treatment of the sanctuary teaching also highlights the two dimensions of sin. In Chapter 2 Boff' s idea of sin is investigated. Boff' s historical background, which exposed him to the poor, influenced his perception of sin. Boff's theological background together with his familiarity with Karl Marx's social analysis prompted Boff to define sin as the negation of God's love in a human history bedevilled by class conflict. Boff views sin to have the individual and social dimensions. Yet, in terms of importance, Boff believes that the social dimension of sin is more consequential than the individual one. In Chapter 3 White's and Boff s views on sin are compared. From this comparison it is evident that both White and Boff recognize the bipolarity of sin. Both seem to agree that christians should take an active role in correcting social evils because love for God is manifested by how we relate to our neighbor. Boff devotes less space to the individual aspect of sin than White. Chapter 4 shows that White's theological tradition has a lot to learn from Boff and his tradition and also vice versa. An awareness of the current priestly ministry of Christ evident in White's theology could help Boff to bring some balance to his stance on the social and the individual dimension of sin. Boff' s use of Marx's social analysis should also help Seventh-day Adventists, the inheritors of White's theology, not to interpret White's theology of sin only along individualistic lines while overlooking its social dimension. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

The aim of this thesis is to compare the concept of sin in the theologies of Ellen G. White and Leonardo Boff. Chapter 1 examines Ellen G. White's concept of sin. White's historical and theological backgrounds coupled with her use of the "great controversy" motif provide a better grasp of her understanding of sin. White defines sin as the transgression of God's Law. She views sin to comprise at least two dimensions, namely, the individual and the social. White regards these two aspects of sin to have equal significance. White's detailed treatment of the sanctuary teaching also highlights the two dimensions of sin. In Chapter 2 Boff' s idea of sin is investigated. Boff' s historical background, which exposed him to the poor, influenced his perception of sin. Boff's theological background together with his familiarity with Karl Marx's social analysis prompted Boff to define sin as the negation of God's love in a human history bedevilled by class conflict. Boff views sin to have the individual and social dimensions. Yet, in terms of importance, Boff believes that the social dimension of sin is more consequential than the individual one. In Chapter 3 White's and Boff s views on sin are compared. From this comparison it is evident that both White and Boff recognize the bipolarity of sin. Both seem to agree that christians should take an active role in correcting social evils because love for God is manifested by how we relate to our neighbor. Boff devotes less space to the individual aspect of sin than White. Chapter 4 shows that White's theological tradition has a lot to learn from Boff and his tradition and also vice versa. An awareness of the current priestly ministry of Christ evident in White's theology could help Boff to bring some balance to his stance on the social and the individual dimension of sin. Boff' s use of Marx's social analysis should also help Seventh-day Adventists, the inheritors of White's theology, not to interpret White's theology of sin only along individualistic lines while overlooking its social dimension. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Systematic Theology)

The objective of this thesis is to explore how American authors represented poverty across different states during the Depression Era. I have chosen to review social reform author John Steinbeck, and proletariat authors, Michael Gold, Meridel Le Sueur, and William Attaway. Before addressing the issues presented in the data collection tools (novels): The Grapes of Wrath, Jews Without Money, The Girl, and Blood on the Forge, I reviewed the fundamentals of the events leading up to the crash of the stock market, which spiraled the United States and the world at large in the greatest Depression ever known. In this thesis, I have also outlined a summary of the novels for the benefit of readers who may not have had the opportunity to read them. I have applied a Marxist literary critical analysis to the preceding novels highlighting three overarching concepts of the theory: economic power, materialism versus spirituality, and class conflict. Evolving from these concepts are the key tenets of Marxism: base, superstructure, hegemony, commodification, class conflict, and false consciousness. In the literary critical analysis, I applied these key tenets to the plot of each novel in order to underscore the ideologies of Marxist theorists with regards to the existence of class divisions and how this division creates class conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariats.

This study aims to discern and assess Theodor Adorno’s theories on music as an ‘art’ and how it impacts both the political and social landscape of society; more broadly, the purposes of this paper is to identify, and determine the significance of, the relationship between music and politics – that is, whether or not, and how, music can emancipate society from capitalist enslavement. In juxtaposing Adorno’s theories, the opinions of Herbert Marcuse will be discussed as well. As both theorists are considered integral to the creation and development of critical theory of the Frankfurt School, it is only logical to examine their theories and ideologies in detail to determine the role of music as an ‘art’ in the overarching scheme of political scaffolding within which society resides. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)