Magister Legum - LLM / The study attempts to identify the concrete mechanisms inherent in the co-operation regime of the ICC in relation to the arrest and surrender of suspects. By doing so, it attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the procedural mechanisms pertinent to the question of arrest and surrender, thereby augmenting the emerging body of international literature focusing on this issue. Moreover, by examining real cases will identify practical deviations and suggests measures that need to be considered to remedy the problem. It is important that the procedures are clarified and followed properly. Otherwise, the ICC will lose credibility internationally, thus undermining the purpose of its creation, which was to combat impunity and to contribute towards achieving justice, peace and well being worldwide.

New Public Management (NPM) – a global administrative discourse – has been controversial in its intentions, implications, and outcomes. It has been the focus of lively academic, political, and public debate, and has been subjected to extensive academic scrutiny over the last few decades. However, 'spatial analyses' of its global–national political implications remain underdeveloped. Thus, the purpose of the present thesis is to investigate the spatial politics of NPM as a global hegemonic discourse, by exploring its emergence, evolution, and current role in the dynamics of global capitalism and governance. The work examines the processes, technologies, and techniques through which governable spaces of governance have been constructed by NPM discourse. In terms of methodology, a critical discourse analysis is undertaken here of OECD annual reports from 1978 to 2011, as well as other OECD 'texts' that propagate NPM discourse. In terms of theory, the thesis draws on Foucault's notions of governmentality, disciplinary power, biopolitics, and heterotopia. The thesis concludes that NPM discourse creates a heterotopian textual space. It constructs a transnational governing space that is biopolitically governed through the exercise of specific heterotopic practices. Through the deployment of NPM discourse, neoliberal subjects have been constructed, and neoliberal governmentality has become transnational. This has transpired because NPM discourse operates as an interplay between heterotopias of deviation and heterotopias of compensation. Using a set of textual practices of compensation and deviation, NPM (re)constructs a utopia of neoliberalism, where NPM deviates and compensates not only national governments and their populations but also individual public organisations at the national and transnational levels. Through such deviation and compensation strategies, neoliberalism is perpetually (re)produced as an ideal type. To this end, various institutional technologies and techniques of differentiation, surveillance, and compensation/normalisation are deployed.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / En el mundo actual, los países se han visto inmersos en una realidad que hasta hace poco les era completamente ajena: tener que competir para captar inversiones. Efectivamente, la gran mayoría de las naciones en vías de desarrollo, y varias naciones desarrolladas tienen políticas explícitamente diseñadas para captar la inversión extranjera, con condiciones beneficiosas para los inversionistas. Dentro de los elementos tenidos en cuenta por un inversionista para invertir en un país determinado, el componente tributario tiene una relevancia fundamental. Tanto es así, que se ha originado un fenómeno que algunos han dado en llamar “competencia fiscal” - que pasaremos a analizar en seguida - y que tiene una serie de implicancias fundamentales para los sistemas tributarios de los países involucrados. Una particular faceta de este fenómeno son los paraísos fiscales, los que gracias a los avances de la tecnología y la creciente liberalización de la economía han cobrado particular relevancia en los últimos años. Tanto es así, que diversos organismos multinacionales han comenzado a prestar atención a estos – generalmente – pequeños países que en el pasado eran vistos como lugares de una importancia ínfima. Así, el GAFI se ha enfocado en la criminalidad que a veces se manifiesta en estos lugares, como el lavado de los dineros del narcotráfico y la red de financiamiento del terrorismo internacional, y el Fondo Monetario Internacional, por su parte, creó el Foro de Estabilidad Financiera para – entre otras cosas - revisar el riesgo que revisten estos lugares para el sistema financiero mundial. También han recibido la atención de expertos del Banco Mundial y de las Naciones Unidas, y por ciertos de los encargados de elaborar normas tributarias de diversas naciones, entre ellas Chile. El presente trabajo pretende analizar la faceta puramente tributaria del asunto, manifestado en la pérdida de recaudación argüida por diversas naciones del mundo, y más específicamente, en el trabajo que ha realizado la Organización para la Cooperación y el Desarrollo Económico (OCDE). El trabajo de dicha organización se ha estimado como uno de los más gravitantes en lo que se refiere a la regulación de la actividad de los paraísos tributarios, y sus recomendaciones son escuchadas por los legisladores de los más diversos países del mundo, entre ellos Chile. Durante el curso de este trabajo se analizará si el fenómeno es beneficioso o perjudicial, para lo cual primeramente se determinará el marco teórico de análisis. Luego se detallará lo hecho por la OCDE en la materia, con las críticas planteadas por sus detractores, y los argumentos esgrimidos por sus partidarios. Después se analizará la legislación nacional con respecto a los paraísos tributarios, para pasar a formular conclusiones respecto de los temas revisados.

No abstract / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Public Law / LLM / Unrestricted

no / This paper assesses the relationships between public policy and the development of industrial clusters. A conceptual model of the relationship between public policies and the development of industrial clusters is developed and tested using data from 43 European industrial clusters. The results indicate that most government policies have no significant impact on the growth of industrial clusters or for the development of co-operation within industrial clusters. There is limited evidence that packages of government policies that are specifically geared towards improving the local asset base are effective in overcoming obstacles to growth of industrial clusters. However, when age is used as a control variable the weak relationship between policy packages and growth of industrial clusters disappear. The results indicate that individual and packages of public policies are not strongly connected to either high levels of co-operation, or high growth in industrial clusters. Moreover, no clear evidence was found that high levels of co-operation were associated with growth in industrial districts. In the light of the failure to find clear-cut associations between public policies and the development of industrial clusters the paper outlines a research agenda to help to increase our understanding of these issues.

This thesis explores the workings of co-operation. It proceeds by way of a two-case comparative study, where the units of comparison are local consumer co-operatives: the Newcastle upon Tyne Co-operative Society Ltd., situated in the north-east of England, and Konsumentföreningen Solidar in Malmö, in the south-west of Sweden. We get to follow the two societies through minutes from member meetings, and from several other data sources, from their dates of birth to 1970. This material is utilised for cross-case and within-case comparisons as we follow the interaction between the societies and their environments, between organisational structure and decision-making, and between different factions within the societies. The primary purpose is to charter, understand, and explain the complexities brought out by the empirical inquiry. But in doing so, we also discern more general underlying principles for variations in the workings of co-operation. While this makes the thesis into an exploratory endeavour, it also contains an attempt to map the historiography of co-operation in Britain and Sweden: themes and research questions are construed so as to make a contribution to both literatures. One such contribution is the description and analysis of two separate organisational logics, of their dynamics, conditions, effects, and development over time.

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod's Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod's theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod¿s Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod¿s theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att belysa hur skolans huvudmän, dvs. rektorers chefer, ser på delat ledarskap i skolan. Studien belyser också hur samarbetet mellan huvudmännen och rektorerna fungerar samt vilka möjligheter och hinder huvudmännen ser med ett delat ledarskap i skolan. Insamling av data har gjorts genom kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer och bearbetats i en tematisk analys. Urvalet har avgränsats till att omfatta fyra huvudmän på verksamhetschefsnivå och en huvudman på politisk nivå i några av de största kommunerna i Stockholms län. Studien har en kunskapsteoretisk utgångspunkt som brukar beskrivas som tolkande och konstruktionistisk till sin art. Tidigare forskning indikerar att det finns en kunskapslucka när det gäller huvudmännens syn på delat ledarskap i skolan vilket motiverar att denna studie görs. Resultatet visade att huvudmännen anser att det delade ledarskapet bör få finnas där det finns behov för det, dock inte på rektorsnivå på en och samma skolenhet eftersom skollagen inte tillåter det. Däremot har rektor möjlighet att organisera den inre verksamheten på sin skola utifrån bestämmelser i skollagen där det framgår att det är möjligt att ha två eller fler rektorer på skolor med fler skolenheter. Huvudmännen anser att deras skyldighet är att se till att ha en styrkedja med tydlig rollfördelning så att oklarheter i ansvar, genomförande och återkoppling kan undvikas. Nyckelord: Delat ledarskap, samarbete, huvudman, skola

Samverkan mellan föräldrar och skola har troligen förekommit så länge det har funnits utbildning för unga, om än i olika hög utsträckning och med olika utgångspunkter. Utifrån de senaste 80 årens syn på hur och varför lärare och föräldrar ska samverka, beskrivs den nuvarande strukturen för samverkan mellan skola och hem utifrån kritisk realism och Erikssons (2004) principer för samverkan mellan skola och hem. I studien intervjuas fem legitimerade lärare som är verksamma på högstadiet om sina kontakter med föräldrar. Intervjuerna analyseras teoretiskt utifrån kritisk realism. Utifrån dessa intervjuer kartläggs den nuvarande strukturen för samverkan mellan skola och hem, de mekanismer som påverkar strukturen samt tänkbara effekter som den rådande strukturen har på elevers likvärdighet och lärares psykosociala arbetsmiljö. Resultatet visar att lärare och föräldrar samverkar utifrån olika principer, vilket får konsekvenser i en otydlighet i vad de olika aktörerna kan bestämma över. Otydligheten ger utrymme för brister i elevers likvärdighet och påverkar lärares psykosociala arbetsmiljö. För skolledare, lärare och andra verksamma inom skolans värld är det av vikt att förstå vilka mekanismer som påverkar lärare när de samverkar med vårdnadshavare. För lärare kan det underlätta de olika beslut som direkt och indirekt rör elevers likvärdighet. Skolledare behöver förstå vad lärare har att hantera, för att kunna göra skolan till en eftertraktad arbetsplats, dit fler människor söker sig. / Interaction between parents and school has probably existed as long as there has been education for young people, albeit to different extent and with different starting points. Based on the past 80 years’ view on how and why teachers and parents should co-operate, the present structure for interaction between school and home is described based on critical realism and Eriksson’s (2004) principles for interaction between school and home. In the study, five qualified teachers working in upper secondary school are interviewed regarding their contacts with parents. The interviews are theoretically analyzed based on critical realism. Based on these interviews the current structure for interaction between school and home, the mechanisms affecting the structure and plausible effects which the current structure has on the equivalence of students and psycho-social work environment of teachers are mapped out. The results show that teachers and parents interact based on different principles, which results in lack of clarity regarding what the different participants can decide. This lack of clarity may lead to shortcomings regarding the equality of students and the psycho-social work environment of teachers. It is important that principals, teachers and others working in schools understand which mechanisms affect teachers when they interact with parents. For teachers, it may make it easier to make decisions which directly and indirectly involve the equivalence of students. Principals need to understand what teachers have to face in order to make the school a desirable workplace, to which more people are attracted.