The topic of this diploma thesis is the media image of the Velvet Revolution related to various conspiracy theories. This view can be traced in Czechoslovak (and later Czech periodicals) on the basis of predetermined storylines. The specified period for the analysis of individual elements of these theories is from November 17, 1989 to about mid-1993, or earlier if the periodical ceased to be published. The period of the Velvet Revolution is a fundamental period of our republic, which at this time underwent an economic, political, social transformation… And few aspects of everyday life remained the same as before the revolution. Because this change took place so suddenly and so quickly, a lot of rumors, misinformation, and conspiracy theories began to spread to explain to some extent what had happened, especially if they did not like the officially recognized version of events. It is these alternative explanations of the events of that time that are the subject of this work. I will analyze them in a total of 7 titles, in Rudé právo, Lidové noviny, Studentské listy, Respekt, Květy, Špígl and Analýza 17 listopadu by Miroslav Dolejší. First, I will introduce the theoretical basis of concepts such as conspiracy theory, misinformation, ect., with which I will continue to work. I will also outline the...

This essay describes part of the process behind the exhibition Almost through the theory of a whole. This includes a short historical background of the subject matter (The hollow earth theory) and certain theoretical frameworks and perspectives that has been used in the process. These theories include Michel Serres theory of noise and C. G. Jungs theory of synchronicity.  Further the essay looks at conspiracy theory, artifitial intelligence and art making thorugh these theories.

The spread of the Covid-19 pandemic has been since its early beginnings accompanied by the spread of the so called 'infodemic' of misinformation and conspiracy theories about the virus in the media. This infodemic swiftly started to present a matter of significant concern especially in the dynamic landscape of digital media which due to an ease of sharing and content contribution allowed for Covid-19 conspiracy theories to continue to gain momentum. Because of the severe implications that the potential ill-informed actions of conspiracy theory believers could have on the public health, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of the conspiracy theory believers and the way that they spread Covid-19 conspiracy theories. With this in mind, this thesis through the use of qualitative interviews probed into the worldviews of Covid-19 conspiracy theory believers in the Czech Republic. The analytical scrutiny of the interviews through the lens of the theories of network society, context collapse and echo chambers provided important insights into how Czech Covid-19 conspiracy theory believers use digital media in order to learn about and disseminate Covid-19 conspiracy theories. Additionally, this thesis provides an understanding of how the way the conspiracy theory believers navigate context collapse on Facebook drives them to seek echo chambers on e-mail which strengthen their beliefs in Covid-19 conspiracy theories. Moreover, my thesis also sheds light onto how the echo chambers are instrumental in the individuals' distrust in traditional media.

Objective: Vaccine hesitancy remains a significant public health challenge, and one that is socially patterned. This study examined whether the vaccine hesitancy effects of identifying as female, race–ethnicity, the number of children, educational attainment, and political conservatism were mediated by governmental conspiracy beliefs. Methods: Linear mediation models controlling for potential confounders were employed to analyze data from a national survey of adults (2019 Chapman University Survey of American Fears; n = 1,209). Results: Effects on vaccine hesitancy were significant and negative for educational attainment, and significant and positive for the other focal predictors. Governmental conspiracy beliefs significantly mediated each of these effects; the percent mediated was largest for Hispanic identity (79 percent), followed by female identification (69 percent), educational attainment (69 percent), number of children (55 percent), black identification (34 percent), and political conservatism (30 percent). Conclusion: This study underscores the importance of nonvaccine-related conspiracy beliefs for future interventions aimed at reducing sociodemographic disparities in vaccine hesitancy.

Research suggests a significant negative relationship exists between analytical and critical thinking and epistemically unwarranted beliefs. The present study aimed to examine this relationship by measuring preference for and engagement in analytical and critical thinking, then comparing these variables with belief in conspiracy theories, pseudoscience, and paranormal phenomena. The quantitative cross-sectional observational study was conducted without intervention, collecting multi-purpose data. Email invitations recruited participants (N=112) from small and large businesses, organisations, schools, independent churches, and interest groups in alternative medicine and pseudoscience. Participants were Swedish speaking and 18 years or older. Relationships between variables were tested with Pearson’s correlation coefficient. The result showed significant negative correlations between beliefs in pseudoscience and the variables rationality, rational favorability, rational ability, and engagement. In addition, rational ability had a significant negative correlation with paranormal beliefs. The result did not show significant correlations between the measured cognitive variables and belief in conspiracy theories. The results suggest that individuals disengaged from, or lacking preference for, analytical and critical thinking processes are more likely to reject established science and instead endorse pseudoscience and paranormal beliefs. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of how cognitive traits and skills are connected to epistemically unwarranted beliefs. Future research can further explore these cognitive traits and skills, because they are crucial in health promotion efforts to mitigate epistemically unwarranted beliefs. Facilitating enhanced learning environments, supporting health promotion initiatives, and enabling effective health communication will cultivate reflective, empowered, and ultimately healthier members of society.

The following thesis will set out to argue that misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracies, in tandem with today’s advanced communication technology, pose a dire threat to the future of public health, biotechnological advancement, safe medical procedures, and ethical evidence-based legislation and policy. Each chapter will explore different points in public health and medicine that misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracies have already begun to shift or disrupt in ways that are eroding safe and effective care. Misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories should be seen more broadly outside of the spheres of Big Tech and First Amendment discourse, and instead understood as a public health concern of which there are ways to inoculate, treat, and mitigate public spread. Much as we have come to understand that gun violence requires more than a judicial approach, so too must we come to understand misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories as an indicator of failing health in a population. / Urban Bioethics

The introduction of social media platforms influenced the social dynamics by changing the way individuals are exposed to information. The straightforwardness of social media communication resulted in an overwhelming amount of information for users, and the variety of sources of the information is limiting users’ ability to assess what information is genuine and what is disinformation. Exploiting this shift in societal functioning, conspiracy theories have taken advantage of social media's reach to undermine the foundations of societies. One such theory, QAnon, which revolves around a fantastical narrative of a ruling satanic cabal exploiting children, has transitioned from the obscure corners of cyberspace to become a topic of mainstream media, courtesy of social media algorithms, journalistic interest, and opportunistic politicians. The impact of the QAnon discourse resulted in violent acts for some of the followers, culminating in the U.S. Capitol storming. This act provoked immense ban activity by major social media networks. With the passage of time, interest in QAnon has waned considerably. Thus, through a survey and thematic and content analysis, this research aims to assess and answer the following research questions: Where are QAnon conspiracy theory groups present in social media networks? and What are the main discussion themes and conspiracy theory targets? two years after the “storm“ incident. Gab, Telegram and Rumble are the social media platforms that have the most QAnon followers and discussions. An analysis confirmed that the discourse mainly concentrates around politics and conspiracy theories, with Donald Trump being the individual whose activities occupy the attention of most of the discussion topics. Calls for violence are rare, mostly in the form of predicting military coups or military courts, the QAnon followers’ narrative that has already been seen. In the case of QAnon, disinformation remains an attack vector in cyber warfare which underscores the need for further analysis into the development and influence the theory has towards upcoming major political events.

Desinformation har genom alla tider varit en del av samhället och har genom historien haft avgörandet betydelse för händelser som utspelat sig. Idag är desinformation ett ytterst aktuellt ämne som genom nyhetsflödets ökande tempo med digitaliseringen, samt AIs förmåga att producera manipulerade bilder är det ett område som är viktigt att studera. Syftet med undersökningen var att undersöka om det fanns någon korrelation mellan den svenska befolkningens känsla av inkludering kopplad till deras attityd mot desinformation. Vidare undersöktes det om det fanns något samband kopplade till intersektionella faktorer som kön och ålder. Undersökningen hade en kvantitativ ansats genom insamlandet av enkäter, som sedan sammanställdes. Resultatet visade att inget samband mellan känslan av inkludering och attityd till desinformation, samt mellan desinformation kopplat till kön eller ålder kunde fastställas. Slutsatsen som kan dras är att bristen på signifikanta resultat kan tillskrivas antingen en missad korrelation som inte fångades i denna studie eller det faktum att desinformation är en så genomgripande samhällsfråga att den ses negativt av de flesta individer, vilket gör det svårt att hitta signifikanta skillnader mellan olika grupper. En separat undersökning fann dock visst samband mellan konspiratoriska övertygelser och individer inom den politiska högern, vilket tyder på ett potentiellt samband mellan politiska ideologier och attityder till desinformation. Ytterligare forskning behövs för att utforska denna aspekt. / Disinformation has always been a part of society and throughout history has been decisive for events that unfolded. Today, disinformation is an extremely current topic that, through the increased pace of the news flow with digitization, and AI's ability to produce manipulated images is the most current area to study. The purpose of the survey was to investigate whether there was any correlation between the Swedish population's sense of inclusion linked to their attitude towards desinformation. Furthermore, the paper explored whether there was any relationship linked to intersectional factors such as gender and age. The survey was a quantitative survey through the collection of questionnaires, which were then compiled. The result showed that no relationship between the feeling of inclusion and attitude to disinformation, as well as between disinformation linked to gender or age could be established. The conclusion that can be drawn is that the lack of significant results can be attributed either to a missed correlation that was not captured in this study or to the fact that disinformation is such a pervasive societal issue that it is viewed negatively by most individuals, making it difficult to find significant differences between different groups. However, a separate survey found some association between conspiratorial beliefs and individuals on the political right, suggesting a potential link between political ideologies and attitudes toward disinformation. Further research is needed to explore this aspect.

Drawing from the black swan theory developed by Nassim Nicholas Taleb, which defines a black swan to be an unexpected high-impact event which people tend to think is easily explained in hindsight, this study explores risk evaluation in relation to conspiratorial beliefs. The hypothesis states that a higher degree of conspiratorial thinking correlates with a proclivity to evaluate risks as being either very high or very low. The method used was a web-based survey consisting of 16 different events, both conspiratorial and non-conspiratorial, of which a total of 291 American participants got to assess the risk by paying a hypothetical sum of money for insuring themselves against the consequences of each event. This was followed by a second survey to assess the participants’ degree of conspiratorial thinking. The first analysis measured the correlation between conspiratorial thinking and the standard deviation of the participants’ money distribution, corresponding to degree of disparity in risk assessment. Based on two clusters that were observed in the aggregate of scores on the conspiracy scale, the participants were divided into conspiracy theorists and non-conspiracy theorists. The second analysis measured main- and interaction effects of what types of events the participants insured themselves against, and what types of events that participants prioritized depending on their degree of conspiratorial thinking. The hypothesis that a higher degree of conspiratorial thinking correlates with a tendency to evaluate risks as being either very high or very low was not supported. The results show that a higher degree of conspiratorial thinking correlates with a lower standard deviation in money distribution, and that the conspiracy theorists insured themselves against the consequences of less likely and more conspiratorial events compared to the non-conspiracy theorists. This study supports the idea that conspiracy theorists tend to follow a consistent conspiratorial narrative, believing in several conspiracy theories and not just one.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to identify and analyse conspiracy narratives as popular counter-knowledge and as alternatives to leftist discourse and explanations of the contradictions of a capitalist system in a systemic crisis. The study makes a distinction between pathological and cultural approaches to conspiracy theories. While pathological approaches critically assess conspiracy theories as expressions of a certain political paranoia, cultural approaches are more inclusive and view conspiracy theory as cultural expressions of the postmodern condition. The cultural understandings break the categorical link between conspiracy theories and irrationality and allows a further discussion on how conspiracy theories might relate to leftist discourse and its attempts to counter neoliberal hegemonic structures. The approach taken by the study relies on the theoretical framework of historical materialism. Key theories used derive from Karl Marx, along with Gramscian, World Systems theory and critical approaches to global political economy. In the historical analysis that was performed, the understanding of structures in the historical development of the world economy, as well as the role of social forces which lead to changes in these structures were shown to be better approaches for understanding both historical events and the current crisis in the capitalist system. However, even within the opportune movement of an on-going capitalist crisis, the Left struggles to create a consistent counter-hegemonic narrative, and current counter-hegemonic movements, whilst being influential, are not succeeding in being transformative This suggests that leftist discourse fails to address the micro-level manifestations of the contradictions of the current system in a way that appeals to the masses. Accordingly, conspiracy theories as frameworks from which to critique the current global political economy are discussed. It is argued that although conspiracy theories are essentially reactionary, as well as historically a product of the far right, these theories might be understood as allegorical narrative constructs that serve as tools of orientation in a confusing political reality and, as such, the label of irrationality should not be applied without further consideration. It is further suggested that there is a proximity between various critical perspectives and conspiracy theories, although it is not implied that there is an exchange of ideas. It is argued that strands of critical theory and conspiracy theory share certain convictions about how the social world is constructed. While leftist/critical discourse relies on a scientific historical analysis, conspiracy discourses are often categorised lacking in scientific support. Critical theoretical perspectives are therefore suggested as the most effective remedy against utopian and simplistic narratives. While the thesis does not challenge the appropriateness of Marxist/critical perspectives at explaining economic crisis and global inequity, it aims at discussing the popularity of conspiracy theories as, for many, preferable tools of orientation in the present times. While political scientific theories and conspiracy theories are generally understood as in essence incompatible, this thesis attempted to discuss and analyse whether this established view could be challenged in light of recent scholarship on conspiracy culture. The study concludes that Marxist/critical approaches should understand conspiracy theories as alternative counter-knowledge and as popular doorways into major social issues that define global political culture, which could actually complement traditional leftist discourse. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om sameswerings-verhale as populêre teen-kennis en as alternatiewe vir linkse diskoers en verklarings van die teenstrydighede van ’n kapitalistiese stelsel wat ’n sistemiese krisies beleef, te identifiseer en te analiseer. Die studie onderskei tussen patalogiese en kulturele benaderings tot samesweringsteorieë. Patologiese benaderinge raam samesweringsteorieë krities as uitdrukkings van bepaalde politieke paranoia, terwyl kulturele benaderinge meer inklusief is, samesweringsteorie beskou as ’n kulturele uitdrukking van die postmoderne toestand. Die kulturele begrip breek die kategoriese skakel tussen samesweringsteorieë en irrasionaliteit en fasiliteer nog ’n gesprek oor hoe hierdie teorieë moontlik verwant sou kon wees aan linkse diskoers, asook laasgenoemde se pogings om neoliberale hegemoniese strukture teen te staan. Die benadering wat gevolg word in die studie steun op die teoretiese raamwerk van historiese materialisme. Die vernaamste vertrekpunte wat gebruik word is afgelei van Karl Marx, tesame met Gramsciaanse, Wêreldstelsel-teorie en kritiese benaderings tot globale politieke ekonomie. In die historiese analiese wat onderneem is, word gedemonstreer dat ’n begrip van strukture in die historiese ontwikkeling van die wêreld-ekonomie, asook die rol van sosiale magte wat verandering in hierdie strukture meebring, beter verklarings bied vir beide historiese gebeure en die teenswoordige krisies in die kapitalistiese stelsel. Nietemin, selfs met die geleenthede wat geskep word te midde van die aangaande kapitalistiese krisies, sukkel Linksgesindes om ’n konsekwente teen-hegemoniese “verhaal” te skep. Kontemporêre teen-hegemoniese bewegings, ongeag hul skynbare invloed, slaag nie daarin om verandering te weeg te bring nie. Dit wil voorkom asof linkse diskoers nie daarin slaag om die manifistering van die teenswoordige stelsel se teenstrydighede aan te spreek op ’n wyse wat aanklank vind by die massas nie. Dienooreenkomstig word samesweringsteorieë bespreek as raamwerke vanwaar en waaruit die huidige globale politieke ekonomie gekritiseer kan word. Die argument word aangevoer dat, alhoewel hierdie teorieë essensieel reaksionêr is, asook histories gesien ’n verregse produk, hulle moontlik verstaan kan word as allegoriese verhaal konstrukte wat dien as middele vir orientasie in ’n verwarrende politieke werklikheid. As sulks, behoort die etiket van irrasionaliteit nie sondermeer en onkrities aan hulle toegedien te word nie. Verder, word daar in die studie voorgestel, dat daar raakpunte is tussen verskeie kritiese perspektiewe en samesweringsteorieë. Daar word egter nie gesuggereer dat daar ’n uitruil van idees is nie. Daar word egter wel ge-argumenteer dat daar elemente van kritiese teorieë en samesweringsteorieë is wat bepaalde oortuiginge deel oor hoe die sosiale werklikheid gevorm word. Terwyl linkse en kritiese diskoers gekoppel is aan wetenskaplike-historiese analise, word samesweringsdiskoerse gekategoriseer as verklarings wat gebrek lei aan wetenskaplike ondersteuning. Kritiese teoretiese perspektiewe word dus voorgehou as die mees effektiewe oplossing teen utopieseen simplistiese narratiewe. Terwyl die tesis nie die toepasbaarheid van Marxistiese/Kritiese perspektiewe, as verklarings vir die ekonomiese krisies en globale ongelykheid, uitdaag nie, het dit gepoog om die populariteit van samesweringsteorieë, as voorkeur raamwerke vir orientering in teenswoordige tye, aan te spreek. Die tesis het onderneem om vas te stel en te analiseer of die algemeen aanvaarde aanname dat politiek wetenskaplike teorieë en samesweringsteorieë essensieel onversoenbaar is, uitgedaag kan word, gesien in die lig van onlangse akademiese werk oor samesweringskultuur. Die studie bevind dat Marxistiese/kritiese benaderings samesweringsteorieë behoort te verstaan as alternatiewe teen-kennis en as populêre ingangspunte tot belangrike sosiale kwessies wat die globale politieke kultuur definieer. In die sin, sou samesweringsteorieë selfs tradisionele linkse diskoers kon aanvul.