Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1964. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-97).

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House Bill 38 will allocate up to $13 million per year in state sales tax revenue to the Virginia Department of Game and Inland Fisheries (VDGIF) beginning in Fiscal Year 2001. To plan for this major budget enhancement, the VDGIF asked us (in cooperation with Responsive Management and Dr. Brett Wright) to identify the agency programs and functions that VDGIF employees gave high priority to for the allocation of additional resources, and to compare these priorities with those of the agency's external constituents. We also evaluated how internal and external stakeholders rated agency performance in its programs. Of all VDGIF functions, employees felt most strongly that more resources should be allocated to enhancing public awareness of VDGIF and to providing general wildlife-related education and information to Virginia citizens. Among constituent groups, employees placed higher priority for additional resources on educating and informing children and youth than they did on allocating additional resources to educate urban/suburban constituents, women and minorities. Employees assigned high priority for additional resources to capital improvement needs and to land acquisition-related issues. Activities that improved the agency's ability to provide hunting opportunities such as enforcing laws that protect habitat, encouraging private landowners to open their lands for hunting and managing game animals also received high priority for additional resources. Although employees felt that nearly all agency programs needed additional resources, their assessment of agency performance varied widely. Programs in which agency performance was relatively poor, such as acquisition of additional land and water for wildlife conservation, educating and informing citizens, and providing education and outreach to schools, have greater need for additional resources than programs in which agency performance was quite good (e.g., hunter education and enforcement programs). Virginia citizens felt law enforcement and providing safety education for boating and hunting were VDGIF's most important functions. Both citizens and employees placed greater importance on the existence value of wildlife than they did on its recreational value. Virginia citizens placed significantly less importance on providing hunting opportunities than did VDGIF employees and substantially more on providing wildlife viewing opportunities than did agency personnel. This study also revealed substantial latent interest in fish and wildlife-oriented recreation among Virginians who currently do not participate and that all forms of wildlife-related recreation in Virginia have substantial growth potential. / Master of Science

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Environmental policy in the U.S. is often enacted at both the federal level and the state level. This dissertation uses unique data derived from a combination of a detailed simulation model of the U.S. electricity sector and an integrated assessment model of air pollution dispersion and valuation to examine three problems in state and federal environmental policy. These data represent the “taxes” (or shadow cost of abatement) on sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides that are efficient for each state when considering only their own costs and benefits, and also the level of federal uniform tax on the same pollutants that maximizes each state’s net benefits. This data is used in three analyses. First, we examine the case of environmental federalism. Differences in spillovers across states, together with differences in population density and local cost structures create substantial spatial heterogeneity in the economics of air pollution. Uniform federal control and state level control both have advantages and disadvantages, and it is unclear which is more efficient. For the case of sulfur dioxide (nitrogen oxides), when states choose their own level of pollution, 31.5% (76.2%) of the potential benefits under the nationally optimal scheme are lost. The uniform tax only results in a loss of 0.19% (2.32%) of the potential benefits. The data derived, which are directly based on the costs and benefits of air pollution, provide a broad measure of constituent interest. These variables are used to explain state adoption of green electricity policies and federal legislative voting on environmental issues. In contrast to previous studies, it is found that constituent interest and ideology are both important determinants in the formation of environmental policy. Lastly, it is widely known in the literature that states act strategically when choosing policies. This result also persists for state-level environmental stringency. We use unique weighing matrix specifications to distinguish between tax competition and competition based on spillover effects. It is also shown that higher marginal damages of pollution limit strategic behavior.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-02-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:43:46Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 martins_e_dr_assis.pdf: 909085 bytes, checksum: 5f71c8ed14863ec32e118e52cfd991f7 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho analisou os discursos dos deputados da Assembléia Geral e Constituintes de 1823 atentando para o sentido de nação que estes mesmos deputados buscavam dar para o país recém-independente de Portugal, bem como analisou ainda a produção de discursos acerca da cidadania para o país, procurando saber quem os deputados queriam que fossem os cidadãos brasileiros, levando-se em conta a enorme heterogeneidade de povos e culturas que viviam no Brasil. A preocupação com o estudo da cidadania conduziu este estudo a também problematizar a data oficial da Independência, o 7 de setembro, como um signo construído pelo poder executivo em detrimento à data preterida pelo poder legislativo: o dia 12 de Outubro, denotando desta forma a derrota do poder legislativo e por conseguinte o sufocamento de um tipo de democracia. Utilizamos como fonte documental para esta tese os Anais da Assembléia Geral e Constituinte do Brasil. Do ponto de vista metodológico este trabalho procurou demonstrar como as práticas discursivas podem historicamente engendrar domínios de saber e de poder, transformando-se em práticas efetivas e configurando-se em domínios ou fatos para a história. / This work approached the deputies' of the Assembly General and Constituent of 1823 speeches looking at the nation sense that these same deputies looked for to give to the recently-independent country of Portugal, as well as it still analyzed the production of speeches concerning the citizenship to the country, trying to know who the deputies wanted that he was the Brazilian citizens, being taken into account the enormous heterogeneity of people and cultures that lived in Brazil. The concern with the study of the citizenship also drove this study the to problematize the official date of the Independence, the September 7, as a sign built by the executive power in detriment to the date ignored by the power legislative October 12. Denoting this way the defeat of the legislative power and consequently the asphyxiation of a democracy type. We used as documental source for this theory the Annals of the General and Constituent Assembly of Brazil. Of the methodological point of view this work tried to demonstrate as the discursive practices historically they can engender domains of knowing and of being able to, becoming effective practices and being configured in domains or facts for the history.

A presente tese tem por objetivo a análise da decisão sobre a constituição econômica, no âmbito da realização da constituição dirigente e da instituição do Estado Democrático e Social de Direito no Brasil, por meio do processo constituinte levado a efeito nos anos de 1987 e 1988. Partindo da constatação de que a literatura jurídico-constitucional brasileira não dá a necessária atenção à problemática constituinte nem à articulação entre Estado, Constituição e Política e tendo em vista a constituição econômica presente no texto constitucional de 1988, o trabalho articula os temas do poder constituinte, da constituição dirigente-econômica e da reconstrução do Estado, utilizando-se do instrumental da teoria constitucional, da teoria do Estado e da história constitucional. Avalia-se, pois, que a manifestação do poder constituinte se inscreve como locus privilegiado para a observação da correspondência entre Estado, Constituição e Política, demonstrado pela observação das suas manifestações no Brasil, em diversos momentos, nomeadamente em 1987/1988. De fato, na esteira da convocação estabelecida pela Emenda Constitucional n. 26, de 27 de novembro de 1985, o Brasil viveu um dos mais importantes momentos de ativação política da sociedade civil organizada, que dava continuidade ao processo de mudança política, o qual, iniciando-se em meados da década de 70 e prolongando-se pelos anos 80, ocasionou a inflexão do regime militar, a construção de instituições representativas e multipartidárias e a realização de uma nova Constituição. Assim, se o ritmo cadenciado das mudanças e as negociações entre os agentes que pressionavam pela abertura política e os líderes do regime burocrático-autoritário sugeriram a existência de um tipo especial de transição, denominado transição pela transação, e apesar das limitações constantes do ato convocatório do Congresso Constituinte, o produto final do esforço constituinte ficou mais próximo das aspirações democráticas e progressistas. Constata-se que, nas duas últimas décadas, apesar das transformações que ocorreram no capitalismo, com a desconstrução do padrão regulatório keyenesiano, a expansão dos mercados, a relativização do Estado, enfim, a ameaça neoliberal, o caráter dirigente da Constituição brasileira, todavia, mantém-se intacto. Por tudo isso, decorridos vinte anos da promulgação da Constituição Federal, conformação normativa de uma ordem econômica, fundada na valorização do trabalho humano e na livre iniciativa, com o fim de assegurar a todos existência digna, conforme os ditames da justiça social (CF, art. 170, caput), representa um salto de qualidade no constitucionalismo nacional e está a desafiar a realização conjunta da democracia política, da sociedade de bem-estar e do desenvolvimento econômico. / This thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.

A presente tese tem por objetivo a análise da decisão sobre a constituição econômica, no âmbito da realização da constituição dirigente e da instituição do Estado Democrático e Social de Direito no Brasil, por meio do processo constituinte levado a efeito nos anos de 1987 e 1988. Partindo da constatação de que a literatura jurídico-constitucional brasileira não dá a necessária atenção à problemática constituinte nem à articulação entre Estado, Constituição e Política e tendo em vista a constituição econômica presente no texto constitucional de 1988, o trabalho articula os temas do poder constituinte, da constituição dirigente-econômica e da reconstrução do Estado, utilizando-se do instrumental da teoria constitucional, da teoria do Estado e da história constitucional. Avalia-se, pois, que a manifestação do poder constituinte se inscreve como locus privilegiado para a observação da correspondência entre Estado, Constituição e Política, demonstrado pela observação das suas manifestações no Brasil, em diversos momentos, nomeadamente em 1987/1988. De fato, na esteira da convocação estabelecida pela Emenda Constitucional n. 26, de 27 de novembro de 1985, o Brasil viveu um dos mais importantes momentos de ativação política da sociedade civil organizada, que dava continuidade ao processo de mudança política, o qual, iniciando-se em meados da década de 70 e prolongando-se pelos anos 80, ocasionou a inflexão do regime militar, a construção de instituições representativas e multipartidárias e a realização de uma nova Constituição. Assim, se o ritmo cadenciado das mudanças e as negociações entre os agentes que pressionavam pela abertura política e os líderes do regime burocrático-autoritário sugeriram a existência de um tipo especial de transição, denominado transição pela transação, e apesar das limitações constantes do ato convocatório do Congresso Constituinte, o produto final do esforço constituinte ficou mais próximo das aspirações democráticas e progressistas. Constata-se que, nas duas últimas décadas, apesar das transformações que ocorreram no capitalismo, com a desconstrução do padrão regulatório keyenesiano, a expansão dos mercados, a relativização do Estado, enfim, a ameaça neoliberal, o caráter dirigente da Constituição brasileira, todavia, mantém-se intacto. Por tudo isso, decorridos vinte anos da promulgação da Constituição Federal, conformação normativa de uma ordem econômica, fundada na valorização do trabalho humano e na livre iniciativa, com o fim de assegurar a todos existência digna, conforme os ditames da justiça social (CF, art. 170, caput), representa um salto de qualidade no constitucionalismo nacional e está a desafiar a realização conjunta da democracia política, da sociedade de bem-estar e do desenvolvimento econômico. / This thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.

With water resources becoming scarcer every year, studying the negotiation processes that leads to the treaties that govern the distribution of water rights across national boundaries is more important than ever. Sub-state units sometimes play an important role in the negotiation of such treaties and thus it is important to better understand how specific types of regional, transborder sub-state units operate both within the context of their respective federal systems and in relation to each other. Exploring the case study of the Columbia River Treaty—governing the area known as the upper Columbia River Basin— and the Water Policy Working Group of the Pacific NorthWest Economic Region (PNWER), this thesis uses documentary sources and original qualitative interviews to examine the roles of sub-state governments and federalism on the original Columbia River Treaty negotiations, as well as the effect the historical legacy of the Treaty negotiations has left on constituent diplomacy today. Examining constituent diplomacy through a micro rather than macro lens, the thesis also explores the role of constituent diplomacy within PNWER with respect to the upcoming Columbia River Treaty negotiations and the impact that PNWER’s governance model has on the effectiveness and functionality of constituent diplomacy. The thesis demonstrates that sub-state governments, specifically the B.C. government, played a vital role in original Treaty negotiations, and suggests that the past Treaty negotiations are relevant to constituent diplomacy today because of modern-day and future Treaty negotiations and ongoing Treaty implementation. Drawing on documentary evidence and original interview data, this thesis details current PNWER governance structures and practices and then moves to argue that the structure, functions and dynamics of the Canadian and American federal systems can impact the effectiveness and functionality of constituent diplomacy.

Cognitive Linguistics has been widely used to deal with the ambiguity generated by words in combination. Although this domain offers many solutions to address this challenge, not all of them can be implemented in a computational environment. The Dynamic Construal of Meaning framework is argued to have this ability because it describes an intrinsic degree of association of meanings, which in turn, can be translated into computational programs. A limitation towards a computational approach, however, has been the lack of syntactic parameters. This research argues that this limitation could be overcome with the aid of the Generative Lexicon Theory (GLT). Specifically, this dissertation formulated possible means to marry the GLT and Cognitive Linguistics in a novel rapprochement between the two. This bond between opposing theories provided the means to design a computational template (the AXEL System) by realising syntax and semantics at software levels. An instance of the AXEL system was created using a Design Research approach. Planned iterations were involved in the development to improve artefact performance. Such iterations boosted performance-improving, which accounted for the degree of association of meanings in three-noun compounds. This dissertation delivered three major contributions on the brink of a so-called turning point in Computational Linguistics (CL). First, the AXEL system was used to disclose hidden lexical patterns on ambiguity. These patterns are difficult, if not impossible, to be identified without automatic techniques. This research claimed that these patterns can assist audiences of linguists to review lexical knowledge on a software-based viewpoint. Following linguistic awareness, the second result advocated for the adoption of improved resources by decreasing electronic space of Sense Enumerative Lexicons (SELs). The AXEL system deployed the generation of “at the moment of use” interpretations, optimising the way the space is needed for lexical storage. Finally, this research introduced a subsystem of metrics to characterise an ambiguous degree of association of three-noun compounds enabling ranking methods. Weighing methods delivered mechanisms of classification of meanings towards Word Sense Disambiguation (WSD). Overall these results attempted to tackle difficulties in understanding studies of Lexical Semantics via software tools.