Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis examines the interaction between social movements and planning institutions in the delivery of low-income housing in metropolitan Harare. Post-2000, the problem of housing in Zimbabwe has been characterised by the weak technical and financial capacity of local authorities and central government to deliver low-income housing and social movements challenging conventional housing delivery approaches and promoting alternatives. Between 2000 and 2015, the largest share of low-income housing was provided by housing movements. This study employs transformative theory (Friedmann, 2011) to explain how societies, especially marginalised people, organise alternative services pertinent to their lifestyles. The thesis draws on 95 key informant interviews, 14 focus group discussions (with 120 members of housing movements), and enumeration survey data (covering 6,636 households). It uses extensive material from document analysis (council resolutions, council committee reports, departmental annual reports, co-operative audits and reports, and government investigation reports). This study uses purposive sampling in which defined criteria were used to select housing movements. The study suggests that there has been urban transformation in metropolitan Harare. As argued in this thesis, urban transformation is evidenced by changes in the urban fabric (for instance, through new housing and infrastructure services for the predominantly poor population), reconfiguration of power (with the urban poor playing a vital role in urban development) and the adoption by planning institutions of grassroots-centred planning and housing delivery approaches. This transformation seems to be the result of four factors. First, the sudden increase in social movements involved in the ‘formal and informal’ delivery of low-income housing. Secondly, the drastic decline in the capacity of central and local governments to fulfil their housing delivery mandates. Thirdly, the changes to low-income housing delivery approaches in terms of both planning and housing policy and practice. Lastly, the Fast Track Land Reform Programme has had a wide impact on access to housing in peri-urban areas. The study concludes that urban transformation has primarily been the result of social movements placing pressure on planning authorities which has brought a new urban development order. Interactions between social movements and planning institutions have been characterised by struggles, contestation and alliances, which continue to profoundly shape urban planning and housing in Zimbabwe. / Germany Academic Exchange Service (DAAD)

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / This study revealed the key role that social, historical, economic and political networks play in initiating and maintaining service delivery protests. While networks help in communicating service delivery problems among protestors and in mobilizing, protests that ensue are a means of communicating anger at the municipal authorities’ actions and or inactions. Using a reference to a hostage situation that occurred, I argued that there is a progression and intensification of protest tactics especially after ‘peaceful and legal’ means of engagement fail. Also, my research findings show that networks used for protest purposes can be used for other purposes. In light of this, I suggested that a better understanding, by protestors, of networks at their disposal and how they can use such networks for other community building projects is needed. Additionally, such an understanding by protestors may prove helpful for protestors to better organize and utilize their network resource and stage more effective but peaceful protests. Municipalities may use this information (networks) to communicate and connect with the communities they serve in a better way. In sum, the study further found that networks are important before the protest, during the protest and after the protest

Le mouvement des aarch en 2001, en Grande Kabylie, constitue le plus important mouvement sociopolitique algérien depuis l’Indépendance. Il s’insère dans l’opposition berbériste, qui naît et s’organise en avril 1980 sur les bases d’une contestation identitaire qui attaque les fondements de la nation algérienne, constituée autour de l’arabe et de l’Islam. Les aarch s’organisent autour d’une revivification des organisations tribales villageoises, et de leurs comités de gestion locaux afin de transformer les violences qui font suite aux nombreuses manifestations en revendication politique. L’ouverture économique aux standards néolibéraux mondiaux voit des revendications socio-Économiques et psycho-Sociales.Les aarch mobilisent sur des critères mémoriels en investissant la dite tribu d’une fonction mémorielle importante. La guerre de Libération nationale, acte fondateur de l’État nation algérien, est aussi contestée en proposant une écriture nouvelle de ce conflit colonial en redéfinissant les légitimités politiques qui en découlent. Acteurs et mémoires oubliées, censurées, ressurgissent sur la scène politique afin de légitimer un combat contemporain qui crée des filiations idéologiques avec la guerre d’Indépendance. Cette réécriture de l’histoire dépasse le cadre récent de l’histoire de l’Algérie indépendante en cherchant, et/ou créant, des sources anciennes d’une Kabylie qui existerait avant la nation indépendante. Pour cela, la ville de Tizi Ouzou, jusque-Là rejetée de l’imaginaire socio-Politique berbériste joue les protagonistes dans ce nouveau conflit. Travaillée dans son histoire, sa sociologie, la ville subsume les dynamiques à l’œuvre d’un renouveau berbériste. / The 2001 aarch movement in the Grande Kabylie region has been the most important Algerian sociopolitical movement since the independence. It is part of the Berberist opposition movement that started to organize itself in April 1980. Based on identity, Berberist dissent challenges the very foundations of an Algerian nation that developed with the Arabic language and Islam. The aarch organization focuses on the revitalization of village tribal structures, as well as local and town management councils, in order to convert the violence that followed many protests into political claims.With the economic opening to global neo-Liberal standards, Berberist contestation has come to involve socio-Economical and socio-Psychological demands.Besides, the aarch mobilization appeals to memory-Based criteria, assigning a crucial function for memory to the said tribe. The national Liberation War, founding act of the national Algerian State, is also disputed and a new narrative describing this colonial conflict is put forward. Forgotten or silenced memories and stakeholders surface in the political arena in order to legitimize a contemporary struggle, creating ideological, rhetorical and political filiation with the Independence war. This rewriting of history stretches beyond the limits of modern independent Algeria history, researching and/or creating ancient roots of a Kabylie that pre-Existed the independent nation. The city of Tizi Ouzou, until then rejected from Berberist socio-Political psyche, has become a protagonist of the new conflict for this very purpose. Its history and sociology being reshaped, the city subsumes the acting dynamics of a Berberist renewal.

Les analyses développées dans cette thèse de doctorat visent à mettre en évidence les formes de résistance et d’action adoptées par les sujets – migrants ou autochtones antiracistes – qui s’engagent autour de la « question migratoire ». Pour ce faire, la recherche examine les dynamiques qui se produisent au sein des mobilisations politiques à partir d’un terrain délimité dans l’espace et dans le temps : la ville de Turin entre 2009 et 2014. Elle se focalise ainsi sur les pratiques d’opposition, de contestation et de revendication, mais aussi sur les attentes et les cadres d’interprétation divergents qui animent cette pluralité de subjectivités. L’enquête ethnographique auprès des migrants s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une socio-anthropologie des mouvements sociaux qui se propose de restituer les expériences émergentes, les significations qui leurs sont attribuées et les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Accablées par une fragilité intrinsèque et dépourvues de mémoire, les mobilisations contre le traitement différencié des migrants donnent corps à une multiplicité de formes du politique, qui vont de la subversion à la construction d’espaces autres, en passant par des tentatives de négociation. Les mobilisations offrent un point d’entrée privilégié pour élaborer une vision d’ensemble du phénomène migratoire et mettre en lumière la spécificité du cas italien – caractérisé par une histoire de l’immigration récente, par une position géographique stratégique et par un contexte socioéconomique marqué par la crise. Malgré l’irréductible diversité des parcours et des profils biographiques, les migrants constituent un sujet politique au cœur des enjeux du présent...et de l’avenir. / The analyses carried out in this doctoral thesis aim to highlight the forms of resistance and action taken by migrant and autochthonous anti-racist subjects dealing with the "migration issue". For this purpose, the research examines the dynamics that occur within the political mobilisations in a field that is defined both in terms of space and time: the city of Turin from 2009 until 2014. The study focuses on the practices of opposition, contestation, and claims-making, as well as the different expectations and the conflicting interpretative frameworks that drive such a plurality of subjectivities. Drawing on the tradition of socio-anthropological studies of social movements, the ethnographic study of migrants aims to render the interactions among the different actors involved as well as the emerging experiences and their assigned meanings. Mobilisations are characterised by a precarious state and lack of memory; by challenging the differential treatment of migrants, mobilisations generate multiple forms of politics, ranging from subversion to the construction of other spaces, passing through attempts of negotiation. By employing political mobilisations as the main perspective, it is hence possible to develop a comprehensive view of the migration phenomenon, whilst highlighting the specificity of the Italian case – characterized by a recent history, its geographical localisation, and its socio-economic context. Despite their irreducible diversity of backgrounds and biographical profiles, migrants constitute a political subject at the heart of contemporary challenges.

Submitted by Diego Andrade Bispo null (andradedgo@gmail.com) on 2016-12-15T00:24:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Diego Andrade Bispo.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-12-20T16:01:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 bispo_da_me_fran.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-20T16:01:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 bispo_da_me_fran.pdf: 1137199 bytes, checksum: c0727ef28a07c5807be96246d4620fb5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No final do século XVIII, em Portugal e no Brasil, foi recorrente nos escritos de observadores coetâneos o interesse pela reorganização da agricultura e de diversos elementos a ela ligados. Além de argumentar sobre a utilidade de se revisar as práticas empregadas no âmbito do cultivo propriamente dito, os letrados setecentistas convencionaram advertir aos proprietários rurais sobre a premente necessidade de se melhorar o trato cotidiano e de bem conduzir o trabalho da escravaria em benefício de uma maior eficiência produtiva da colônia portuguesa da América. Anos mais tarde, em princípios do século XIX, outros analistas do regime de cativeiro, ao apresentarem uma leitura distinta sobre o emprego desta força de trabalho, passaram a considerá-la injusta, ofensiva aos valores da fé católica e danosa ao progresso material dos setores agrícola e industrial do país. Tendo em vista a variância dos posicionamentos assumidos por esses letrados coevos – egressos de universidades europeias, sócios de agremiações científicas e membros da burocracia governamental –, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo inquirir, por meio da análise de memórias, ensaios econômicos, missivas dentre outros textos, quais argumentos foram manejados para o estabelecimento de diferentes avaliações sobre a instituição da escravidão africana, tal como era praticada no Brasil no período compreendido entre 1781 – quando da concentração das falas reformistas sobre o governo dos cativos, falas essas mantidas até o início do oitocentos, quando o uso do trabalho compulsório começa a ser qualificado como contraproducente – e 1834 – momento em que a tópica do bom exercício da gestão escravista reassume uma posição privilegiada entre os assuntos abordados nos manuais agronômicos da época. / In the late eighteenth century, in Portugal and in Brazil, it was recurrent in many writings an interest on the reorganization of agriculture and the various elements connected to it. Besides the considerations on the cultivation itself, the eighteenth-century scholars begun to advert the farmers about the urgent need to improve the daily treatment of slaves, for the benefit and efficiency of a larger production in the Americas’ Portuguese colony. Years later, in the early nineteenth century, other analysts of the captivity regime started to present a different reading on the employment of the workforce, considering it as unfair, offensive to the values of the Catholic faith and harmful to the material progress of the country’s agricultural and industrial segments. Given the variance of the positions taken by these coeval scholars - graduated from European universities, scientific associations members and members of the government bureaucracy - this thesis aims to inquire, through the analysis of memories, economic trials, missives, among others texts, which arguments were managed to establish different reviews of the institution of African slavery. This work focuses on the period between 1781 and 1834: 1781, when the reformist speech on the government of the captives gets stronger, up to the early XVIIIth century, when the use of compulsory labour begins to be described as counterproductive; and 1834, a time when the topic of good practice of slave management reassumes a privileged position among the issues presented in agronomical manuals of the time.

The new Public Procurement Law introduces the Dispute Boards as a new settlement ofdisputes and contestations during the contractual execution of the work phase. The present article works, in the first place, the framework of public procurement and the controversies that are originated in the matter. Then, it will expose the development of the Dispute Boards in other countried and their characteristics. Finally, it concludes identifying the type of Dispute Boards that is being adopted in Peruvian law, showing his vantages and disadvantages. / La nueva Ley de Contrataciones del Estado, Ley N° 30225, incorpora la Junta de Resolución de Disputas, como un nuevo mecanismo de resolución de conflictos durante la fase de ejecución contractual de obras.En el artículo se desarrolla, en primer lugar, el marco de las contrataciones del Estado y las controversias que se originan en el mismo. Posteriormente, se expone el desarrollo de los Dispute Boards internacionalmente y sus características, y se concluye identificando el tipo de Dispute Boards adoptado en la legislación peruana, exponiendo sus fortalezas y debilidades.

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux collaborations et au partage du savoir entre intellectuels juifs et chrétiens, en France, durant les XIIIe et XIVe siècles et propose une analyse comparative des différents échanges, dans trois domaines distincts : théologie, philosophie et astronomie. En prenant en compte les sources latines et hébraïques qui témoignent de cette transmission du savoir, nous proposons une étude approfondie divisée en deux parties. La première s’intéresse à l’évolution de l’enseignement dans les communautés juives et dans la société chrétienne. La seconde analyse le contexte de rédaction des Extractiones de Talmut, la transmission du savoir entre Maïmonide et Thomas d’Aquin, la collaboration étroite entre Jacob ben Makhir et Armengaud Blaise, ainsi que l’échange intellectuel significatif entre Gersonide et ses confrères chrétiens. Notre objectif est de répondre aux questions suivantes : les savants chrétiens et juifs recevaient-ils l’information selon leur propre valeur intellectuelle, ne tenant pas compte de leur provenance ? Et existait-il une influence directe de l’un et de l’autre ? Cette étude tente ainsi de montrer les différents motifs de ces échanges à travers un champ contextuel constitué par un événement intellectuel précis. Nous verrons ainsi que ces relations vacillent entre méfiance et admiration. / This thesis sheds lights on collaborations and transfer of knowledge between Jewish and Christian scholars in France during the 13th and 14th centuries. We propose a comparative analysis of different exchanges, in three distinct areas: theological, philosophical and astronomical. Taking into account the Latin and Hebrew sources that testify this transmission of knowledge, we propose an in-depth study, dividing in two sections. The first part narrates the evolution of education in the Jewish communities and in Christian society. The second part analyses the context of the Extractiones de Talmut, the transmission of knowledge between Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas, the close collaboration between Jacob ben Makhir and Armengaud Blaise, as well as the significant intellectual exchange between Gersonides and his fellow Christians. Our objective is to answer the following questions: did Christian and Jewish scholars receive information according to their own intellectual value, ignoring their source? And was there a direct influence from one scholar towards the other? Thus, this study demonstrates the different motives of these exchanges through a contextual field constituted by a specific intellectual event. We will perceive that these relations vacillate between mistrust and admiration.