Epistemological development and its relationship to critical thinking has been postulated in educational psychology since the 1970’s. By empirically examining epistemological development in relationship to thinking critically, a richer understanding of overall student development and instructional needs could be achieved. By taking into account a student’s epistemological development, issues unique to these stages could inform how to most effectively work with students to promote critical thinking development. The purpose of this study was to explore the potential relationship between collegiate epistemological development and critical thinking skills by examining differences in critical thinking skills at different levels of epistemological development. The hypothesis of the study was that students reporting an epistemological level of either Absolutist or Evaluativist would have higher critical thinking scores than students reporting a Multiplist level. The instruments employed were the Cornell Critical Thinking Test (CCTT) and the Kuhn epistemological instrument. The study population of 157 students was taken from a medium-sized private institution in the southeastern United States. The data indicated that the majority of the study population, 87%, identified as the Multiplist level of epistemological development, according to Kuhn’s definitions. Overall critical thinking scores for the sample was lower than expected but still within reported ranges. Analysis of variance tests were performed on the data and failed to indicate a statistically significant relationship in overall epistemological developmental level and four of the five individual epistemological judgement domains. This finding was not anticipated, challenges current theoretical understanding of this relationship, and indicates a need for further investigation of the nature of the relationship between critical thinking and epistemological development in the higher educational setting.

This dissertation is a critique of synthetic ethical naturalism (SEN). SEN is a view in metaethics that comprises three key theses: first, there are moral properties and facts that are independent of the beliefs and attitudes of moral appraisers (moral realism); second, moral properties and facts are identical to (or constituted only by) natural properties and facts (ethical naturalism); and third, sentences used to assert identity or constitution relations between moral and natural properties are expressions of synthetic, a posteriori necessities. The last of these theses, which distinguishes SEN from other forms of ethical naturalism, is supported by a fourth: the semantic contents of the central moral predicates such as 'morally right' and 'morally good' are fixed in part by features external to the minds of speakers (moral semantic externalism). Chapter 1 introduces SEN and discusses the most common motivations for accepting it. The next three chapters discuss the influential "Moral Twin Earth" argument against moral semantic externalism. In Chapter 2, I defend this argument from the charge that the thought experiment upon which it depends is defective. In Chapters 3 and 4, I consider two attempts to amend SEN so as to render it immune to the Moral Twin Earth argument. I show that each of these proposed amendments amounts to an abandonment of SEN. Chapter Five explores Richard Boyd's proposal that moral goodness is a "homeostatic property cluster." If true, Boyd's hypothesis could be used to support several metaphysical, epistemological, and semantic claims made on behalf of SEN. I advance three arguments against this account of moral goodness. In the sixth chapter, I argue that moral facts are not needed in the best a posteriori explanations of our moral beliefs and moral sensibility. Because of this, those who accept a metaphysical naturalism ought to deny the existence of such facts or else accept skepticism about moral knowledge. In Chapter 7, I consider a counterargument on behalf of SEN to the effect that moral facts are needed in order to explain the predictive success of our best moral theories. I show that this argument fails.

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Rare sont les études empiriques qui, palliant limites langagières de l’enfant, ont investigué la symptomatologie psychologique et comportementale de l’abus sexuel auprès des enfants en examinant les séquelles de ce trauma au travers le jeu libre. Conséquemment, l’objectif de la présente étude est de relever le profil socioaffectif de deux groupes d’enfants abusés sexuellement dont l’un démontre une capacité à jouer préservée et l’autre se caractérise par une activité ludique limitée. En outre, cette recherche vise à identifier les variables relatives aux profils dégagés qui discriminent de façon plus spécifique chacun des deux groupes d’enfants à l’étude. L’échantillon est constitué de 50 enfants abusés sexuellement âgés entre 3 et 6 ans. Tel que prédit, les résultats démontrent que les enfants ayant un potentiel ludique limité, comparativement aux enfants où le potentiel est préservé, sont caractérisés par un surcroît de comportements de nature anxio-dépressive. De plus, ils démontrent un nombre significativement plus élevé de comportements dissociatifs et leur profil symptomatologique est davantage « Internalisé ». Ces résultats supportent l'idée que l'abus sexuel, agissant comme traumatisme, perturbe la capacité à jouer de deux manières différentes : soit il bloque l'accès au jeu chez certains enfants, soit il trouble l’activité ludique en elle-même chez un autre groupe.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the relationship between law and justice. Firstly, it is argued that the concept of justice tends to be defined too narrowly as distributive justice or as a mechanism to maintain social order. It is argued that Jacques Derrida's understanding of justice not only gives a richer and broader understanding of the concept, but also on its complex relationship with the law. Lastly, some of the possible implications for jurisprudence (with specific reference to Critical Legal Studies, Critical Race Theory and Drucilla Cornell) are examined. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die verhouding tussen geregtigheid en die reg. Daar word eerstens geargumenteer dat geregtigheid te maklik gedefinieer word as distributiewe geregtigheid of as In meganisme om sosiale orde te bewerkstellig. Daar word geargumenteer dat Jacques Derrida se verstaan van die konsep nie aileen 'n breer en ryker verstaan moontlik maak nie, maar dat dit ook fokus op die komplekse verhouding met die reg. Laastens word sommige van die moontlike implikasies vir regsfilosofie (met spesifieke verwysing na Critical Legal Studies, Critical Race Theory en Drucilla Cornell) ondesoek,

Cette thèse propose une nouvelle méthodologie permettant d'une part d'identifier les paramètres clefs qui contrôlent l'estimation de l'aléa sismique probabiliste, et d'autre part de quantifier l'impact des incertitudes de ces paramètres sur les estimations d'aléa. La méthode de Cornell-McGuire est utilisée dans cette étude. Tout d'abord, les incertitudes sur les déterminations de magnitude et de localisation sont modélisées et quantifiées : la variabilité résultante sur les estimations d'aléa est comprise entre 5 et 25% (=COV), selon le site et la période de retour considérés. Une étude est ensuite menée afin de hiérarchiser les impacts sur l'aléa liés aux choix de quatre paramètres : corrélation intensité-magnitude, magnitudes minimales et maximales, troncature de la relation d'atténuation du mouvement du sol. Les résultats à 34 Hz (PGA) indiquent que la magnitude maximale est le paramètre le moins influent (de 100 à 10000 ans) ; tandis que la corrélation I-M et la troncature des prédictions du mouvement du sol (>2¾) jouent un rôle clef quelle que soit la période de retour considérée (diminution de l'aléa jusqu'à 30% à 10000 ans). Une augmentation de la magnitude minimale contribuant à l'aléa, de 3.5 à 4.5, peut également produire des impacts non négligeables à courtes périodes de retour (diminution des valeurs d'aléa jusqu'à 20% à 475 ans). Enfin, la variabilité totale des estimations d'aléa, due aux choix combinés des quatre paramètres, peut atteindre 30% (COV, à 34 Hz). Pour des fréquences plus faibles (<5Hz), la variabilité totale augmente et la magnitude maximale devient un paramètre important. Ainsi, la variabilité des estimations due aux incertitudes de catalogue et aux choix de ces quatre paramètres doit être prise en compte dans toute étude d'estimation de l'aléa sismique probabiliste en France. Cette variabilité pourra être réduite en élaborant une corrélation intensité-magnitude plus appropriée, et en recherchant une manière plus réaliste de prendre en compte la dispersion du mouvement du sol.

自1970年代開始，「女性生殖（身體）自主權」的呼聲－爭取的主要是所謂的墮胎權－即伴隨著婦女運動的萌芽與發展，而始終具有一定的能見度，甚至成為婦女運動的主要訴求之一；與之相對（或者是對立）的，則是捍衛胎兒（胚胎）生命權的另一方。時至今日，與生殖自主權相關的墮胎爭議方興未艾，仍舊為法律爭議的焦點以及核心議題；另一方面，由於當代的醫療以及科學在技術上的進步與突破，雖一方面賦與了生殖更多的可能性，同時，也帶來了許多亟待解決的問題。無論是已紛擾半個世紀之久的墮胎權爭議，或者是被歸類為新興議題的生殖科技相關議題，概括觀之，這兩項爭議的論辯主軸，皆能夠廣義的包含在「生殖自由」－主張與生殖相關的私密行為，應交由個人自由決定，故必須盡可能地減少任何形式的干涉，以及「對於人類生命（human life）的保護」－主張應賦予任何形式的人類生命最低限度的生命權保障，或者至少為某種生命倫理的概念所約束，因而不應全然地任由個人恣意決定，這兩個彼此相互衝突的上位概念之下。 　　在《生命領域》（Life’s Dominion）一書的前半部，德沃金（Ronald Dworkin）由墮胎爭議出發，提出超越選擇權（pro-choice）與生命權（pro-life）的折衷觀點，主張無論是懷孕女性或者是胎兒（胚胎），其生命的神聖性與生命的內在價值，皆應納入考量並同時予以尊重，試圖為當代已陷入對立僵局的墮胎爭議，尋求某種和解之道。而康奈爾（Drucilla Cornell）所抱持的後現代女性主義立場則格外強調，墮胎爭議的論辯與解決，必須有女性觀點與意見的加入、甚至必須全盤採納，期能以更設身處地的方式，探討女性在社會以及性別結構中的處境，並聚焦於女性面臨墮胎決定時的兩難困境，為原本中性（neutral）、超然的墮胎爭議，帶入不可忽視的經驗性面向的討論。 　　德沃金與康奈爾皆分別針對墮胎爭議，提出其各自的看法與意見，而兩者所採取的立場以及所支持的見解，則各有其獨到之處；此外，德沃金與康奈爾在具體的墮胎爭議中所顯現的態度與提出的主張，也反映了德沃金與康奈爾其各自理論在立論基礎上的類似點以及相異之處。比較兩者理論的異同，對於我們以有別於以往的視野，觀照墮胎爭議的論辯－尤其在自主個人與社群關係的連結、針對正義理論所進行的反省，以及對於法律體系的架構與本質所採取的觀點等面向上，格外有所裨益；大致上來說，德沃金乃以自由主義脈絡及其整全性理論為基調，探討上述幾個理論發展的軸線，康奈爾則是以女性主義與後現代的角度，對這些議題進行處理。在針對墮胎爭議而提出的具體主張中，德沃金與康奈爾的相關論述所各自蘊含的深厚理論基礎，不僅開拓了墮胎議題討論的深度與廣度；另一方面，在墮胎爭議的論辯中，德沃金與康奈爾所採取的觀點以及立論基礎，亦提供了我們在處理當代生殖科技發展所帶來的新爭議時，一些重要的思考切入點與紛爭解決的大方向。 / Since the 1970's, the right of women’s reproductive self-determination has been put forward as one of the principal claim along with the developments of women’s liberation movements. Against this stream, those who defend right to life of fetus (embryo) called “pro-life” camp are in opposite position. Up to now, the controversy over "pro-choice" and “pro-life” is still clamoring. Besides, “abortion” as an important subject of debate is also what legal disputes focus on. On the other hand, the progress of the contemporary science, technology, and medical treatments even make reproduction techniques advance, thus create more possibilities on reproduction. Accompanied with such developments, lots of issues about new reproductive technologies are brought about and call for immediate solutions. Arguments on abortion which have assailed for a half century as well as reproductive technologies developing in recent decades and approximately esteemed as newly arisen subjects; in general, whether abortion disputes or new issues of reproductive technologies are both involved in the following superordinate but conflict concepts: First, “reproductive self-determination”, which asserts that all decisions on reproduction should ensue from personal choice and reduce any form of control as possible. Second, "protection of human life",　which advocates that human life of any form owns the right to life to a certain extent, thus should be guaranteed. 　In Ronald Dworkin’s Life’s Dominion, Dworkin offers a compromised standpoint on the controversy of abortion, claiming that whether the expectant mother or the fetus (embryo) should both be given the respect of "the sanctity of life". Dworkin attempts to attain certain agreement on abortion issues rather than variance. Different from Dworkin’s devoting himself to eliminating the antagonism between “pro-choice” and “pro-life”, as a postmodern feminist, Drucilla Cornell emphasizes on the female perspective, concerning about female’s predicament in the gender structure in particular. While applying her abstract notions to concrete abortion issues, Cornell focuses on the dilemma which nearly every female should confront while making the abortion decision. This insight of Cornell brings the "neutral" abortion controversy into more profound discussions. Dworkin and Cornell state their opinions on abortion controversy respectively, and each of their statement is original and simultaneously reflects different foundations on which their theories are based behind concrete abortion issues. Discussions on similarities and dissimilarities of theories between Dworkin and Cornell not only help to regard abortion issues in a different and brand new way, but also expand the widths and depths of the discussions on abortion disputes: Particularly, the relation between the individual and the community, the gender consciousness which Cornell stresses on, theories of judgments and legal structures, and so on. Broadly speaking, Dworkin proceeds his statements from liberalism and his theory of integrity; on the contrary, Cornell sets out from points of view of feminism and postmodernism. Finally, put issues from abortion towards the developments of the contemporary reproductive technologies, the main foundations and argumentations which Dworkin and Cornell provide for abortion debates may also guide us to deal with issues of developments of the contemporary reproductive technologies.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Theatre, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-61).

There were two-way and non-governmental communications between China and the United States in the field of agriculture throughout twentieth century. During the late nineteenth century, Chinese intellectuals already recognized the importance of western agricultural science and technology, and they began actively to court modern agricultural knowledge from western countries. The Plant Improvement Project (PIP) conducted by Cornell University and the University of Nanking from 1925 to 1931 was the groundbreaking agricultural cooperation in agricultural science and technology between the United States and China. Although most of the activities of this project were non-governmental, organized by two universities, and funded by the Rockefeller Foundation, the PIP broke new ground. In 1925, Professor H. H. Love of Cornell University was invited to the University of Nanking to lead a five-year cooperative program of crop improvement, which was called the PIP. From 1925 to 1931, Love along with C. H. Myers and R. G. Wiggans of Cornell University went to China to implement PIP. With the joint efforts of specialists from Cornell University and the University of Nanking, many high-yielding crop varieties were bred and distributed to farmers to improve yields and fight hunger; at the same time they trained a professional group of crop breeders and extension workers to continue crop breeding and distribution. PIP sought a new model for China’s application of the American concept of the integration of agricultural research, education, and extension, which resulted in both success and failure. PIP, however, exerted profound influence on the follow-up work not only at Cornell and Nanking but also for the governments of United States and Nationalist China.  <div><br></div><div>Following the PIP, in 1934, aiming to increase the well-being of rural populations, the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) trustee committee approved its first comprehensive program (China Program) for rural reconstruction in China. The RF established the North China Council for Rural Reconstruction (NCCRR) in 1936. By studying the policy, hopes, and outcomes of the NCCRR, this chapter provides a specific example of the problem western civil organizations faced in reshaping non-western rural societies. The NCCRR developed techniques for modernizing rural Chinese society; however, constant warfare, political instability, and funding shortages hindered the success of this endeavor. Its impact on China’s rural development remained after the termination of the China Program in 1944.<br></div><div><br></div><div>Then, to promote China’s post-World War II economic reconstruction and hunger relief, the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry developed their transnational cooperation with the International Harvester Company from 1945 to 1948. In 1945, the Agricultural Engineering Program for China was proposed by Dr. P. W. Tsou, then a member of the Executive Committee of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization and the resident representative of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry of the Nationalist government in the U.S., to the International Harvester Company. This initiative was supported by International Harvester Company to help China quickly achieve agricultural mechanization. This program was composed with Harvester Fellowships to sponsor Chinese students to learn agricultural engineering in the U.S. and from the committee’s field investigations, demonstrations, and teaching in China. The Chinese Ministry of Education selected ten students who had graduated from agricultural universities and ten students who had graduated from the engineering universities with two to three years of practical work experience. In total twenty students went to the U.S. to study agricultural engineering. Those from engineering universities were sent to the University of Minnesota while those from agricultural universities received admission into master’s program of Iowa State College (later Iowa State University). In two years’ time, they took engineering courses and completed the master’s degree in agricultural engineering. Then, they received a one-year internship at local farms to practice. In September 1948, the first student group returned to China. These twenty students were the first group of Chinese graduate students to study agricultural engineering in the United States. After they returned home, most of them became China’s leading agricultural engineering experts for the People’s Republic of China. In addition, four experienced agricultural engineers (Edwin L. Hansen, Howard F. McColly, Archie A. Stone, and J. Brownlee Davidson) in the United States formed the Committee on Agricultural Engineering to conducted extensive field investigations in China from January 1947 to December 1948 until political and military conditions were not suitable for them to stay in China.<br></div><div><br></div><div>Except for the cooperation with the private sectors in the U.S., the Nationalist government also proposed to the U.S. government cooperation to organize a joint program to provide economic and technical assistance to China’s agricultural industry. In June 1946, the China-United States Agricultural Mission initiated its work. The committee members from the U.S. included Claude B. Hutchison as the head of the U.S. delegation and Raymond T. Moyer as deputy head. Committee members from China included Zou Binwen as the head of the Chinese delegation and Shen Zonghan as the deputy head. After the investigation of fifteen provinces, delegation members provided their findings and suggestions on the reconstruction of Chinese agriculture in their reports. In 1947, the Report of China-United States Agricultural Mission was released by the two governments. This report is a comprehensive agenda for agricultural construction which put forward feasible and systematic plans for agricultural management, crop improvement, and rural education. This plan did not get adopted in mainland China, but it incubated an organizational structure for the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction and provided a blueprint for agricultural reform in Taiwan. This mission had a profound effect on later cooperation in the field of agricultural science and technology between the two countries, which merits scholarly attention. <br></div><div><br></div><div>Final success of this transnational agricultural communication and cooperation was in Taiwan under the direction of the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction from 1948 to 1979. This program, funded by the U.S. government, had a distinct success in agricultural development in Taiwan, but it eventually ended after the Carter Administration withdrew diplomatic recognition from Taiwan in 1979. Later this commission became part of the Council of Agriculture in the Executive Yuan of the Republic of China (ROC). <br></div><div><br></div><div>This agricultural communication and interaction between China and the U.S. made long-term impacts to China, the U.S., and the rest of the world. For the ROC and the PRC, these organized programs and cooperation gradually developed agricultural science and technology, increased agricultural production, and cultivated agricultural experts. These programs did not achieve their pre-set purpose to prevent communism from expanding in rural China, however, both the Nationalist government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) enjoyed those rewards. The ROC directly benefitted from this assistance while PRC also indirectly obtained agricultural science and technology through those trained experts who chose to stay in the mainland after the revolution.<br></div><div><br></div><div>For the United States, these attempts in China helped Americans to expand and reevaluate their global assistance and development projects and governmental agencies, including the Marshall Plan, the Technical Cooperation Administration (TCA), the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA), and later the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). <br></div><div><br></div><div>For the rest of the world, new global agricultural cooperation, such as Green Revolution agricultural science, eradicated starvation and famine in many developing countries such as India, Mexico, and the Philippines. Meanwhile, global agricultural cooperation generated new problems including environmental degradation and pesticide contamination. Further international cooperation and agricultural development can be tracked back to the U.S.-China agricultural cooperative experience.<br></div>