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In this thesis, the author analyzes the role of Local People‘s Congresses (LPCs) in China in shaping state-society relations in a decentralized authoritarian regime. Classical theories of corporatism are applied in order to examine the political functions of the LPC, a local representative and legislative mechanism. The author further proposes expanding the application of corporatist theory to encompass elected representative assemblies. In his analysis, the author explores how the state penetrates into and controls the LPC, and how, at the same time, the local legislature unequally incorporates various social groups into public affairs. He compares and contrasts biased strategies adopted by the state via the LPCs concerning different social sectors, under a dichotomy of inclusionary and exclusionary corporatism, based on which he further suggests a tentative typology of liberal/corporatist/communist legislature to enrich theories of comparative legislative studies. The author‘s analysis is based on field research conducted in 2009, as well as on his previous internships and attendances in the Provincial People‘s Congress in Zhejiang Province, China. This thesis extends the scope of research on the legislative institution in China to the field of state-society relations and contributes to comparative legislative studies in the perspective of corporatism. / Graduate

Most of researchers put stress on Taiwan¡¦s state transitional regimes in relations to State corporatism or the possibility of Social corporatism. But it¡¦s rare to find researches and literatures that explore Taiwan¡¦s corporatist concertation status between its government and labor unions. This study collects and discusses some main Western theories and Taiwan¡¦s researches of corporatism, and to explore the development of corporatism during different periods of Taiwan by using the connotations of those reviews. The study focuses on five stages as below: the stage of corporatism without labor (1949-1986), of authoritarian corporatism after the abolition of Martial Law (1987- 1992), of state corporatism in democratizing (1993-1999),of developmental democratic corporatism (2000-2004), and the stage of re-developmental democratic corporatism(2004- 2008). The former three stages under KMT government, labor union¡¦s system performed as Monist- Corporatism, and the latter two came with Taiwan¡¦s democratic consolidation. Therefore, with the developing plural society and the party rotation in 2000, the Monist-Corporatism system had been strongly impacted, and the monopolistic Chinese Federation of Labor also broken into four national labor units which had been recognized and admitted by DPP government. The study shows some formalization of informal horizontal concertation, inexplicit corporatist level types, the pattern with neo-corporatist properties, and certain characteristics of social corporatism through the governmental arrangements of Economic Development Advisory Conference (2001), and the local, industrial social dialogues, also the National Social Dialogue Round Table Meetings; those were held recently with conceptions of social partnership and tripartism. And the study also indicates Taiwan as a case of low degree model of corporatist concertation with the lack of formal vertical institution and the like at the present stage.

本篇論文主要論點有三，分述如下： （一）在相似的統合治理結構中，制度內的差異造成了統合治理模式運作成效的不同，也導致相異的經濟發展、勞動市場與社會福利表現。特別是國家治理能力與社會治理能力上的差異。就業改革成功的重要因素是國家在改革過程中發揮高度的國家治理能力，促使社會伙伴締結以改革為導向的社會契約，並且化解分配聯盟抵制的難題，進行制度與政策的改革。 （二）高度統合治理模式促成了高度經濟成長、失業率的降低與總體就業的增加。相對的，當統合治理模式退化時，就會導致經濟成長降低與遲緩，失業率升高與總體就業增長不足的情形。因此，統合治理模式與經濟表現、勞動市場之間存在著高度的相關性。但統合治理模式與社會安全支出之間的關係取決於政黨政治的中介影響。政黨擴張社會安全支出以爭取選民的支持，特別是爭取勞工階級的支持。惟在失業率高漲與福利國家危機之際，政黨都會採取社會安全支出的合理化的政策。 （三）統合治理制度調適的可能，在於啟動良性循環來促進與維持高度統合模式。經濟成長與低失業率都得力於高度的統合治理模式。高度國家治理能力，協助勞資社會伙伴重整利益匯集的代表性組織，並授與社會行政管理權力與參與經濟社會政策制定的門徑，達成了高度的統合結構的制度整合。同時高度的社會共識源自於國家與社會伙伴之間的社會伙伴精神與主導經濟發展與社會分配的意識型態確立，也相當程度地反映在當時和諧的勞資關係上，糾合了統合治理所需的社會性支持。高度制度性治理與社會性支持的統合治理模式促成了那一時期內經濟快速成長與低失業率。

Esta tese trata da relação entre a CUT e a estrutura sindical corporativa no Brasil. O tema já foi amplamente estudado pela sociologia no meio acadêmico, e da mesma forma tem sido elemento de reflexão e debate entre dirigentes e militantes sindicais. Nesse sentido, a originalidade deste trabalho é revisitar o tema e analisa-lo à luz do contexto do governo Lula, eleito em 2002 para seu primeiro mandato como presidente da República com a plataforma de modernização da legislação sindical através de uma reforma sindical negociada por representantes do governo, empresariado e trabalhadores no Fórum Nacional do Trabalho (FNT). Desse ponto de vista, essa tese se apropria de um debate já estabelecido sobre o conceito de corporativismo e faz um resgate histórico da CUT, dos anos 1980 aos dias atuais, enfatizando suas vicissitudes e contradições para a superação do modelo herdado da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (CLT), nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. Dentro desse percurso, a instauração do governo Lula, apoiado pela CUT, acarretou possibilidades de avanços e conquistas sociais e em direção à liberdade e autonomia sindical, do mesmo modo que tensionou internamente as relações entre as correntes políticas da CUT ao colocar em pauta questões inéditas em sua trajetória como o ajuste entre a defesa de um governo identificado com bandeiras populares e a manutenção de uma postura autônoma e independente na defesa dos interesses dos trabalhadores. A partir da trajetória da CUT, indicamos que essa central sindical conserva ainda elementos do corporativismo estatal, mas sua ação política em defesa da liberdade e autonomia sindical ao longo de sua história e também no FNT, ainda que não tenha sido conquistada, permitiu introduzir mudanças não previstas inicialmente na estrutura sindical oficial, logrando êxito parcial ao introduzir elementos do neocorporativismo e do pluralismo nas relações sindicais no Brasil. / This thesis tells about the relation between CUT and the corporatist union structure in Brazil. This subject has already been studied widely by sociologist and, in the same way, it has been discussed among union leaders and militants. So, the originality of this work is to review the subject and analyze it enlightened by the context of Lulas government, elected for president supporting the aim of up dating the unionist law through the negotiations gathering employers, employees and the government around a union reform in Labor National Forum (LNF). From this point of view, this thesis takes into account the corporatist concept established, and replaces CUTs history, since the eighties until nowadays, emphasizing its difficulties to surpass the restrictions of the corporatist law in the 1930s and 1940s. This way, Lulas government has brought many possibilities to achieve new social rights and to assure a new order to unionism, based on a union liberty concept. But, by contrast, it has brought also a conflict among CUTs leaders and militants that have faced an unusual challenge, as to defend the government against the conservatives and to keep on fighting for the workers interests. So, we demonstrate with this work that CUT still keeps many elements of state corporatist, but, at same time, its practice defending union liberty along its history, and into LNF, has changed the union structure adding neo-corporatist and pluralist elements into union relationship in Brazil.

Esta tese trata da relação entre a CUT e a estrutura sindical corporativa no Brasil. O tema já foi amplamente estudado pela sociologia no meio acadêmico, e da mesma forma tem sido elemento de reflexão e debate entre dirigentes e militantes sindicais. Nesse sentido, a originalidade deste trabalho é revisitar o tema e analisa-lo à luz do contexto do governo Lula, eleito em 2002 para seu primeiro mandato como presidente da República com a plataforma de modernização da legislação sindical através de uma reforma sindical negociada por representantes do governo, empresariado e trabalhadores no Fórum Nacional do Trabalho (FNT). Desse ponto de vista, essa tese se apropria de um debate já estabelecido sobre o conceito de corporativismo e faz um resgate histórico da CUT, dos anos 1980 aos dias atuais, enfatizando suas vicissitudes e contradições para a superação do modelo herdado da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (CLT), nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. Dentro desse percurso, a instauração do governo Lula, apoiado pela CUT, acarretou possibilidades de avanços e conquistas sociais e em direção à liberdade e autonomia sindical, do mesmo modo que tensionou internamente as relações entre as correntes políticas da CUT ao colocar em pauta questões inéditas em sua trajetória como o ajuste entre a defesa de um governo identificado com bandeiras populares e a manutenção de uma postura autônoma e independente na defesa dos interesses dos trabalhadores. A partir da trajetória da CUT, indicamos que essa central sindical conserva ainda elementos do corporativismo estatal, mas sua ação política em defesa da liberdade e autonomia sindical ao longo de sua história e também no FNT, ainda que não tenha sido conquistada, permitiu introduzir mudanças não previstas inicialmente na estrutura sindical oficial, logrando êxito parcial ao introduzir elementos do neocorporativismo e do pluralismo nas relações sindicais no Brasil. / This thesis tells about the relation between CUT and the corporatist union structure in Brazil. This subject has already been studied widely by sociologist and, in the same way, it has been discussed among union leaders and militants. So, the originality of this work is to review the subject and analyze it enlightened by the context of Lulas government, elected for president supporting the aim of up dating the unionist law through the negotiations gathering employers, employees and the government around a union reform in Labor National Forum (LNF). From this point of view, this thesis takes into account the corporatist concept established, and replaces CUTs history, since the eighties until nowadays, emphasizing its difficulties to surpass the restrictions of the corporatist law in the 1930s and 1940s. This way, Lulas government has brought many possibilities to achieve new social rights and to assure a new order to unionism, based on a union liberty concept. But, by contrast, it has brought also a conflict among CUTs leaders and militants that have faced an unusual challenge, as to defend the government against the conservatives and to keep on fighting for the workers interests. So, we demonstrate with this work that CUT still keeps many elements of state corporatist, but, at same time, its practice defending union liberty along its history, and into LNF, has changed the union structure adding neo-corporatist and pluralist elements into union relationship in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:33:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Darcy J Rissardi Junior.pdf: 1588885 bytes, checksum: 46ea11d180eec19de406ad7bc5b2122e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-01-13 / The period of post-deregulation of the sugarcane agroindustry in Brazil makes clear the technological paradigm advancement, in which the improvement of technological development of productive sites becomes urgent in a more competitive market, substantiating leadership and contributing for a new dynamic in the sector. Considering it, this thesis proposes a new formatting (in PGDRA ) to analyze some aspects of sugarcane agroindustry in this period, based on three papers concatenated that look into, in a general context, deepen the knowledge about the dynamic of this important sector facing, mainly, a new organization that changed the market conditions. The first paper looks for analyzing concisely and historically the evolution of sugarcane agroindustry post-deregulation (1990 2014). The second paper tries to estimate and analyze the modernization and specialization process experienced by sugarcane agroindustry from the 1990 s, using the factor analyzes procedure by means of the principal components method. With an overview from Brazil with historical perspective and from the measuring of its modernization and specialization process, the third paper makes empirical analyzes from a case study, looking into new ways of organizing according to new institutionalism and new corporatism. The results of the first paper show three distinct phases. In the first phase, 1986/1987 to 1995/1996, there was the slowdown and crisis of Proalcool Program and break down of subsidizing paradigm. The second phase, 1996/1997 to 2002/2003, there was an increasing of deregulation, showing the structural weakness and the emerging of a variety of interests. Finally, the third phase, 2003/2004 to 2013/2014, there was the resumption of ethanol with flex-fuel market, loads of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) and lack of planning from the Federal government in the market of gasoline price, that discourage the ethanol use. In the second paper, the results show that it wasn t without intention that many plants and distilleries close down in Brazil, because many results from factors F1 (modernization and specialization process from sugarcane industry) and F2 (agricultural and industrial index) were negatives. In the general context of this multivariate analyze, São Paulo remained as the state with supreme position in sugarcane production. In the third paper the results testify, under the New Institutional Economics view, the importance of formal contracts and contractual governance structures in the full scope of this sector in the state of Paraná. It is proved, under the new corporatism view, the strategic role of business organizations about the attainment of public policies of sectional interests and the importance of Brazilian Chamber of the Productive Chain of Sugar and Alcohol, under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply ( MAPA ), defending private interests from private agents. / O período pós-desregulamentação da agroindústria canavieira no Brasil evidencia o avanço do paradigma tecnológico, em que se torna premente a maior capacitação tecnológica das unidades produtivas num contexto de mercado mais competitivo, fortalecendo lideranças e contribuindo para uma nova dinâmica no setor. Diante disso, esta tese propõe uma nova formatação (no PGDRA) para analisar alguns aspectos da agroindústria canavieira nesse período, a partir de três artigos/ensaios concatenados que procuram, no contexto geral, aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a dinâmica deste importante setor diante, mormente, de uma nova institucionalidade que mudou suas condições de mercado. O primeiro artigo busca analisar, de forma concisa e numa perspectiva histórica, a evolução da agroindústria canavieira pós-desregulamentação (1990-2014). O segundo artigo procura estimar e analisar, pelo procedimento da análise fatorial por meio do método dos componentes principais, o processo de modernização e especialização vivenciado pela agroindústria canavieira, ocorrido a partir da década de 1990. Com uma visão geral do Brasil a partir de uma perspectiva histórica, e de uma mensuração do seu processo de modernização e especialização, o terceiro artigo faz uma análise empírica a partir de um estudo de caso, procurando investigar as novas formas de organização à guisa do neoinstitucionalismo e do neocorporativismo. Os resultados do primeiro artigo apresentam três fases distintas. Na primeira fase, 1986/1987 a 1995/1996, houve desaceleração e crise do Proálcool e ruptura do paradigma subvencionista. Na segunda fase, 1996/1997 a 2002/2003, houve recrudescimento da desregulamentação, explicitação da debilidade estrutural e o surgimento da diversidade de interesses. Finalmente, a terceira fase, 2003/2004 a 2013/2014, houve a retomada do etanol com o mercado flex-fuel, muitos Investimentos Diretos Estrangeiros (IDE) e falta de planejamento por parte do governo federal na condução da política de precificação da gasolina, que desestimulou o consumo de etanol. No segundo artigo os resultados apontaram que não foi sem propósito que muitas usinas e destilarias encerraram suas atividades no Brasil, pois muitos escores dos fatores F1 ( modernização da agroindústria canavieira e especialização ) e F2 ( rendimentos agrícola e industrial ) foram negativos. No contexto geral dessa análise multivariada, São Paulo se manteve como o estado de posição soberana na agroindústria canavieira. No terceiro artigo os resultados constataram, sob a ótica da Nova Economia Institucional, a importância dos contratos e as estruturas de governança contratuais no âmbito deste setor no Estado do Paraná. Sob a perspectiva neocorporativista comprovaram-se o papel estratégico das organizações empresarias em torno da consecução de políticas públicas de interesses setoriais e a importância da Câmara Setorial da Cadeia Produtiva do Açúcar e do Álcool, sob jurisdição do Ministério da Agricultura, Pecuária e Abastecimento (MAPA), na defesa dos interesses particulares dos agentes privados.

This thesis explores how three socialist newspapers tie in to the Swedish media system and – presumably – is influenced by it. The newspapers have each strong connection to three political parties, so the precise aim of thesis is therefore to examine the independence between the party and its media; and how strongly it can bee defined as Swedish party press in a more traditional sense. The analysed material consists of six qualitative interviews with two co – workers from each paper: including the editors in chief.The basis is partly Kai Kronvalls et al theories surrounding Swedish party press; because the thesis explores how the papers supposedly has changed. And partly theories based on the assumption that media is always reflected by the social and political structure to which it operates. The latter theories have in turned outlined ’press theories’ (Four Theories of the Press) for which it is said that the media is a base of and, more recently, models of how the media works in western countries as a whole (Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini).The thesis showed some difference between how each newspaper can be defined as party press, but in general the independence was weak. This can be explained with how the Swedish media culture in particular has conserved press affiliated with separate (political) groups.