A intenção aqui é pensar como as transformações nas formas e estratégias mbya de liderança e ação cosmopolítica são mobilizados e produzidos, criativamente, no confronto cada vez mais intenso com a política e modo de ser, pensar e de se comportar jurua (não-indígena), elucidando o (in)tenso trabalho de tradução implicado nessas e em outras amplas redes de relações que compõem o mundo guarani. Há aí toda uma gestão e mobilização dessas relações de aliança e parentesco, em que diferentes domínios e perspectivas demandam diferentes retóricas e ações, e identidades étnicas tornam-se armas políticas, principalmente após a Constituição de 1988, envolvendo então toda uma diplomacia cosmopolítica mbya que parte de uma ética de moderação, xamânica, com vistas à fabricação de pessoas e coletivos saudáveis e alegres nesta terra perecível (tekoaxy), e se acentua ainda mais nesse contexto de constrangimento territorial e superpovoação, que impõe diversos limites ao exercício de sua territorialidade. Estas transformações estão inseridas em contextos como os de luta pela demarcação de terras e salvaguarda de direitos indígenas constitucionais, tal como em projetos de fortalecimento cultural sob a rubrica da cultura, nos quais o domínio da burocracia passa a corresponder a um maior domínio da arena de batalha e, com isso, afirmação e demarcação da diferença e resistência mbya contra o Estado. Retórica esta que passa então a afetar diretamente a produção de enunciados e perspectivas guarani para o futuro de suas lideranças e de sua comunidade. Estamos também diante de um contexto cada vez maior de valorização e protagonismo público de jovens mulheres mbya (kunhãgue), assim como da abertura e conquista de espaços de fala e atuação política no âmbito da comunidade, antes majoritariamente ocupados por figuras masculinas ou mais velhas e experientes. A partir disso, buscamos então refletir sobre a complementaridade e fortalecimento mútuo de ambos sujeitos, kunhãgue e avakue (homens mbya), e como suas diferentes capacidades-poderes (-poaka) se relacionam aos processos mbya de construção e composição de pessoas, lideranças e chefias, coletivos, discursos e práticas. A ideia então é alargamos de fato nossas concepções de política e pensar as movimentações desempenhadas pelos diversos sujeitos correspondendo mais a disposições cosmopolíticas diferenciantes e, portanto, relacionais, do que a funções ou (o)posições propriamente ditas ou mesmo fixas, a capacidades singulares de agir, fazer agir, afetar e ser afetado, que contam com diferentes modalidades e estilos de liderança e áreas de atuação, influência e prestígio. Tais figuras políticas podem ainda ser pensadas como tradutoras de mundos ou diplomatas cosmopolíticas, transitando por diferentes códigos e agenciando diferentes mundos. / The intention here is to think about how transformations in mbya manners and strategies of leadership and cosmopolitical action are, creatively, mobilized and produced in the increasingly intense confrontation with the politics and the manner of being, thinking and, the so called, behaving jurua (non-indigenous), elucidating the (in)tense work of translation implied in these and other bonds of relations that make up the Guarani world. There is a whole management and mobilization of these relations of alliance and kinship, in which different domains and perspectives demand different rhetoric and different actions, and ethnic identities become political weapons, especially after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, involving a whole mbya cosmopolitical diplomacy that starts from an ethics of moderation, shamanic, with a view to the production of healthy and joyful people and groups in this perishable land (tekoaxy), and is even more accentuated in this context of territorial constraint and overpopulation, which imposes various limits on the exercise of its territoriality. These transformations are embedded in contexts such as the struggle for land demarcation and the safeguarding of indigenous constitutional rights, as in cultural strengthening projects under the rubric of culture (with commas), in which the mastery of bureaucracy implies a better domain of the battlefield and, with that, the affirmation and demarcation of the difference and resistance Mbya against the State. This rhetoric, thus, directly affects the production of Guarani statements and perspectives for the future of its leaders and its community. We are also faced with a growing context of valorization and public protagonism of young mbya women (kunhãgue), as well as the opening and conquest of spaces of speech and political activity within the community, previously mostly occupied by male figures or older and more experienced people. From this, we seek to reflect on the complementarity and mutual strengthening of both subjects, kunhãgue and avakue (mbya men), and how their different capacities-powers (-poaka) relate to the mbya processes of construction and composition of people, leadership, collectives, discourses and practices. The idea then is to widen our conceptions of politics and to think the movements performed by the various subjects as corresponding more to differententiating cosmopolitical dispositions, therefore, relational, than to functions or proper (o)positions or even fixed ones, more a singular capacities-powers of act, make acting, affect and be affected, that count with different modalities and styles of leadership and areas of influence and prestige. Such political figures can still be thought as translators of worlds or cosmopolitical diplomats, transiting through different codes and agencing different worlds.

A intenção aqui é pensar como as transformações nas formas e estratégias mbya de liderança e ação cosmopolítica são mobilizados e produzidos, criativamente, no confronto cada vez mais intenso com a política e modo de ser, pensar e de se comportar jurua (não-indígena), elucidando o (in)tenso trabalho de tradução implicado nessas e em outras amplas redes de relações que compõem o mundo guarani. Há aí toda uma gestão e mobilização dessas relações de aliança e parentesco, em que diferentes domínios e perspectivas demandam diferentes retóricas e ações, e identidades étnicas tornam-se armas políticas, principalmente após a Constituição de 1988, envolvendo então toda uma diplomacia cosmopolítica mbya que parte de uma ética de moderação, xamânica, com vistas à fabricação de pessoas e coletivos saudáveis e alegres nesta terra perecível (tekoaxy), e se acentua ainda mais nesse contexto de constrangimento territorial e superpovoação, que impõe diversos limites ao exercício de sua territorialidade. Estas transformações estão inseridas em contextos como os de luta pela demarcação de terras e salvaguarda de direitos indígenas constitucionais, tal como em projetos de fortalecimento cultural sob a rubrica da cultura, nos quais o domínio da burocracia passa a corresponder a um maior domínio da arena de batalha e, com isso, afirmação e demarcação da diferença e resistência mbya contra o Estado. Retórica esta que passa então a afetar diretamente a produção de enunciados e perspectivas guarani para o futuro de suas lideranças e de sua comunidade. Estamos também diante de um contexto cada vez maior de valorização e protagonismo público de jovens mulheres mbya (kunhãgue), assim como da abertura e conquista de espaços de fala e atuação política no âmbito da comunidade, antes majoritariamente ocupados por figuras masculinas ou mais velhas e experientes. A partir disso, buscamos então refletir sobre a complementaridade e fortalecimento mútuo de ambos sujeitos, kunhãgue e avakue (homens mbya), e como suas diferentes capacidades-poderes (-poaka) se relacionam aos processos mbya de construção e composição de pessoas, lideranças e chefias, coletivos, discursos e práticas. A ideia então é alargamos de fato nossas concepções de política e pensar as movimentações desempenhadas pelos diversos sujeitos correspondendo mais a disposições cosmopolíticas diferenciantes e, portanto, relacionais, do que a funções ou (o)posições propriamente ditas ou mesmo fixas, a capacidades singulares de agir, fazer agir, afetar e ser afetado, que contam com diferentes modalidades e estilos de liderança e áreas de atuação, influência e prestígio. Tais figuras políticas podem ainda ser pensadas como tradutoras de mundos ou diplomatas cosmopolíticas, transitando por diferentes códigos e agenciando diferentes mundos. / The intention here is to think about how transformations in mbya manners and strategies of leadership and cosmopolitical action are, creatively, mobilized and produced in the increasingly intense confrontation with the politics and the manner of being, thinking and, the so called, behaving jurua (non-indigenous), elucidating the (in)tense work of translation implied in these and other bonds of relations that make up the Guarani world. There is a whole management and mobilization of these relations of alliance and kinship, in which different domains and perspectives demand different rhetoric and different actions, and ethnic identities become political weapons, especially after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, involving a whole mbya cosmopolitical diplomacy that starts from an ethics of moderation, shamanic, with a view to the production of healthy and joyful people and groups in this perishable land (tekoaxy), and is even more accentuated in this context of territorial constraint and overpopulation, which imposes various limits on the exercise of its territoriality. These transformations are embedded in contexts such as the struggle for land demarcation and the safeguarding of indigenous constitutional rights, as in cultural strengthening projects under the rubric of culture (with commas), in which the mastery of bureaucracy implies a better domain of the battlefield and, with that, the affirmation and demarcation of the difference and resistance Mbya against the State. This rhetoric, thus, directly affects the production of Guarani statements and perspectives for the future of its leaders and its community. We are also faced with a growing context of valorization and public protagonism of young mbya women (kunhãgue), as well as the opening and conquest of spaces of speech and political activity within the community, previously mostly occupied by male figures or older and more experienced people. From this, we seek to reflect on the complementarity and mutual strengthening of both subjects, kunhãgue and avakue (mbya men), and how their different capacities-powers (-poaka) relate to the mbya processes of construction and composition of people, leadership, collectives, discourses and practices. The idea then is to widen our conceptions of politics and to think the movements performed by the various subjects as corresponding more to differententiating cosmopolitical dispositions, therefore, relational, than to functions or proper (o)positions or even fixed ones, more a singular capacities-powers of act, make acting, affect and be affected, that count with different modalities and styles of leadership and areas of influence and prestige. Such political figures can still be thought as translators of worlds or cosmopolitical diplomats, transiting through different codes and agencing different worlds.

In this I will explore the ethical challenge of global climate change by analysing three accounts of how responsibility for climate change should be distributed. I explore why it is valuable to view climate change as part of a bigger ethical problem of resources, distribution and global justice. Furthermore, I will argue that a road towards change by a cosmo political theory of justice is the most reasonable option. The theme of my argumentation is that the challenge of global climate change should be understood as a problem between human beings, not between states, or via schemes for distribution or rigid systematic solutions. Many theories of justice fail to do so with challenging and potentially dangerous consequences. / I den här uppsatsen så kommer jag utforska klimatförändringar som etisk utmaning. Jag undersöker varför det är värdefullt att se klimatförändringar som en del av ett större problem som handlar om resurser, distribuering och global rättvisa. Jag kommer undersöka tre möjliga vägar till en lösning på klimatförändringar som etiskt problem och hävda att en kosmopolitisk rättviseteori är det rimligaste alternativet. Klimatförändringens utmaning måste förstås som ett problem människor emellan och inte stater emellan genom planer för distribuering av resurser eller någon annan mer eller mindre regid systematisk lösning. Många rättviseteorier lyckas mindre väl med detta med utmanande och potentiellt farliga konsekvenser som resultat.

This thesis is concerned with acknowledging farm animals and their co-presence in the more-than-human space of the livestock farm, and with accounting for them responsibly in sustainability debates. The enrolment of farm animals as actors in political agendas for environmental sustainability, and farm animal welfare suggests that there are new ways of seeing and being with farm animals that permit their relational presence and recognise their subjectivity. Indeed geographers have in recent years acknowledged animals and their relations with humans, and they have begun to recognise the nature of animal subjectivies. However, within the fundamental rethinking of animals that has been provoked by these discussions, I suggest that farm animals have remained relatively invisible. Occupying ethically confusing terrain, farm animals have nonetheless been visible in a set of philosophical positions regarding their moral status, yet these debates present a rather confusing picture in which the farm animal as an individual is conspicuous by its absence. In seeking to redress the invisibility of farm animals within these debates, and recast them in relation to humans and the broader farm ecology, this thesis attempts to set out an epistemological and methodological framework through which farm animals might become visible as individual fleshy beings. Drawing on the concept of agricultural stewardship and new agendas in farm animal welfare science, it makes use of new methodological tools that have emerged in the social sciences to conduct a relational study of the livestock farm; a study in which farm animals themselves participate. It also considers how the divisions that have been constructed between humans, farm animals and the environment can be reconfigured as a more unified political science of the livestock farm.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The genre of travel writing is widely recognised as providing useful insights into the ways that discourse is used to frame the interplay between self, place and Other. Recently, it has been suggested that these writings inform the development of global citizenry literacy because, as cultural texts, they recount an engagement in, and with, cosmopolitanism while informing readerships about the foreign. However, it is important to remember that these writings appear in context and the authors of such texts craft discourse to construct sociocultural imaginings of the self and Other – of a journey told from a particular viewpoint, in a particular time, to a particular audience. Through an analysis of the travel writings of four Western women who travelled to Iran in a particular historical moment – after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and until Iran was positioned as part of the ‘Axis of Evil’ in 2002 – this thesis examines the ways in which these authors script their gaze through discourse. The author/narrator is an aesthetic cosmopolitan figure, who casts her gaze from a particular ‘viewing platform’ informed by Western discourse and accumulated cultural capital. Attention is paid in this thesis to the ways in which these writers discursively frame their narratives according to the ‘I’ of the gendered experiencing self who focuses the ‘eye’ (or gaze) through a lens oriented by their cosmopolitical imagination or worldview. Notions of authenticity, fear, danger and threat appeared as recurring themes in each of the selected texts and operate to construct place as political, self as heroic and the journey as quest. The authors engaged aesthetic dimensions of time and space to position the liminal in their narratives and, in so doing mobilised discourses of gender and power. Notions of the liminal were employed to describe Iran����s physical and social scapes to position discursive spaces in the texts that were used to affirm traveller identity, build cultural capital and, in the process, make political comments. The texts revealed that while the authors commonly used metaphor and trope drawn from inherited Western discourses such as Orientalism, postcolonialism and imperialism to provide authority, they also drew from the currently circulating discourses of gender equity, human rights and liberal democracy; all of which foreground notions of freedom. However, these currently circulating discourses, when combined with dimensions of heroism, were found to work in the tradition of inherited Western discourse – to authorise the narrator voice and legitimise the ways that self and Other are constructed. The central argument this thesis makes is that Western travel writing is restricted in its contribution to global literacy because these texts reveal more about Western ways of seeing the world and about the author as cosmopolitan than they do about the foreign.

Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The genre of travel writing is widely recognised as providing useful insights into the ways that discourse is used to frame the interplay between self, place and Other. Recently, it has been suggested that these writings inform the development of global citizenry literacy because, as cultural texts, they recount an engagement in, and with, cosmopolitanism while informing readerships about the foreign. However, it is important to remember that these writings appear in context and the authors of such texts craft discourse to construct sociocultural imaginings of the self and Other – of a journey told from a particular viewpoint, in a particular time, to a particular audience. Through an analysis of the travel writings of four Western women who travelled to Iran in a particular historical moment – after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and until Iran was positioned as part of the ‘Axis of Evil’ in 2002 – this thesis examines the ways in which these authors script their gaze through discourse. The author/narrator is an aesthetic cosmopolitan figure, who casts her gaze from a particular ‘viewing platform’ informed by Western discourse and accumulated cultural capital. Attention is paid in this thesis to the ways in which these writers discursively frame their narratives according to the ‘I’ of the gendered experiencing self who focuses the ‘eye’ (or gaze) through a lens oriented by their cosmopolitical imagination or worldview. Notions of authenticity, fear, danger and threat appeared as recurring themes in each of the selected texts and operate to construct place as political, self as heroic and the journey as quest. The authors engaged aesthetic dimensions of time and space to position the liminal in their narratives and, in so doing mobilised discourses of gender and power. Notions of the liminal were employed to describe Iran����s physical and social scapes to position discursive spaces in the texts that were used to affirm traveller identity, build cultural capital and, in the process, make political comments. The texts revealed that while the authors commonly used metaphor and trope drawn from inherited Western discourses such as Orientalism, postcolonialism and imperialism to provide authority, they also drew from the currently circulating discourses of gender equity, human rights and liberal democracy; all of which foreground notions of freedom. However, these currently circulating discourses, when combined with dimensions of heroism, were found to work in the tradition of inherited Western discourse – to authorise the narrator voice and legitimise the ways that self and Other are constructed. The central argument this thesis makes is that Western travel writing is restricted in its contribution to global literacy because these texts reveal more about Western ways of seeing the world and about the author as cosmopolitan than they do about the foreign.

Ce travail de recherche se propose de revenir sur l'histoire médiatico-politique de l'Égypte comme élément central de l'espace public arabe, dans un cadre régional prenant en compte d’autres pays périphériques tels que le Qatar, le Koweït ou l'axe Saoudo-Émirati.Il invite en particulier à une réflexion sur la(-les) politique(-s) communicationnelle(-s) à l’œuvre sous les différents gouvernements de ce que l’on peut appeler la « République des officiers », expression reprise à Yazid Sayegh pour désigner les prises de pouvoir successives de l’Égypte contemporaine par des militaires de profession, à savoir Nasser, Sadate, Moubarak et enfin Sissi.Du journalisme arabiste de résistance offensive à partir des années cinquante jusqu’au développement commercial des médias dans les années quatre-vingt, il sera question d’un examen approfondi de la démarche informationnelle et journalistique des régimes en place, en lien avec les diverses sphères de l’espace public, c’est-à-dire les intellectuels, religieux, ou encore activistes de tous ordres issus de la société civile. Le rôle du régime cosmopolitique fera l’objet d’une analyse également, non pas tant comme phénomène transnational de pacification mondiale au sens d’Ulrich Beck, mais tel que cette instance informelle est exploitée et dévoyée par l’administration américaine et la haute représentation européenne à des fins moins altruistes.Avec la création d’Aljazeera en 1996, signant l’avènement d’un néo-panarabisme communicationnel promu cette fois par un micro-État rentier des pays du Golfe, le Qatar, c’est un vent nouveau qui va souffler sur le traitement télévisuel des questions politiques dans le monde arabe, faisant réagir les autres pays de la péninsule et entraînant la naissance d’une pléthore de chaînes arabes, commerciales pour la plupart. Le développement des réseaux sociaux et des nouvelles technologies de l’information en général ne sont pas oubliés, amenant à interroger les mutations de ce système médiatique qui se complexifie. Entre le schéma de co-isolation dans lequel s’inscrit l’évolution de la chaîne qatarie et le projet contre-révolutionnaire auquel participe financièrement l'axe Saoudo-Emirati suite à l’élection de Morsi, inaugurant dès lors une période de l'absurde politique se généralisant à l'ensemble des interstices de l'espace public régional, il s’agira de décrypter tout particulièrement les paradoxes du système, en articulation avec la notion d’éthique et le concept de reconnaissance. / This research purports to retrace the media and political history of Egypt, as a central element of Arab public space, within a wider regional framework constituted of peripheral countries such as Qatar, Kuwait or the Saudi-Emirati axis.It invites more particularly to a reflection upon the communicational politics at work under the respective governments of what can be called the “Republic of officers”, a phrase borrowed from Yazid Sayegh to designate the successive takeovers of contemporary Egypt by military men, namely Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak, and finally Sisi.From the Arabist journalism of offensive resistance from the fifties’ on, to the commercial development of media in the late eighties’, a thorough examination of the informational and journalistic approach of the regimes in power will be undertaken. This will be linked with the diverse spheres of the public space, i.e. the intellectuals, religious, and all kinds of activists from the civil society. The role played by the cosmopolitical regime will be asked too, not as much as the transnational phenomenon of global pacification in Ulrich Beck’s sense, but rather as this informal body is exploited and corrupted by the American administration and high European representation for not so altruistic aims.When Aljazeera channel was created in 1996, paving the way to a communicational neo-panarabism now promoted by a rentier micro-State of the Gulf region, namely Qatar, a new wind started to blow on the television treatment of political issues in the Arab world. The other countries of the peninsula soon responded, allowing the birth of an abundance of channels, most of which were commercial. The development of social networks and the new information technologies in general are not forgotten leading us to interrogate the mutations of this system which is getting more and more complex. In-between the scheme of co-isolation within which the evolution of the Qatari channel is inscribed and the counter-revolutionary project financially supported by the Saudi-Emirati axis after Morsi’s election, then inaugurating an era of political absurdity permeating all and every interstice of the regional public space, our point will be to decipher more particularly the paradoxes of the system, in articulation with the notion of ethics and the concept of recognition.

Comment transformer la structure des relations internationales ? La structure des relations internationales se définit par l’absence de détenteur de la force légitime condamnant les nations à vivre dans un état semi-anarchique composé par le cycle de la guerre et de la paix.Pour résoudre ce problème, problème de la guerre et de la paix parmi les nations, nous convoquerons le modèle de la cosmopolitique, ancêtre de la sécurité collective, union des États et idéal d’une paix perpétuelle légitime et légale. En raison des failles de la cosmopolitique kantienne, et après une étude des grandes théories du cosmopolitisme contemporain – soit la démocratie cosmopolitique, le cosmopolitisme libéral et le cosmopolitisme républicain – nous tâcherons de défendre un projet d’union fédérale cosmopolitique formée par une Assemblée mondiale et une Cour de justice afin d’étendre la légalité, la publicité et la civilité – les trois principes de l’espace public – aux relations internationales. Comment faire émerger, dans le respect de la pluralité des nations, de la liberté des peuples, un espace public mondial grâce à une union cosmopolitique afin de matérialiser l’idéal de la paix perpétuelle ?Mots clés : cosmopolitisme, cosmopolitique, nationalisme, nation, État, État-nation, souveraineté, citoyenneté, espace public, légalité, publicité, civilité, mondialisation, modèle westphalien, sécurité collective, ONU, justice globale, société civile, fédéralisme, guerre et paix / How can the structure of international relations be transformed? The structure of international relations is defined by the absence of legitimate force and centralized executive power, which constrains nations to live in a semi-anarchical state characterized by a cycle of war and peace.To confront this problem – the problem of war and peace among nations – we will resort to the cosmopolitical model, the forerunner of collective security. Cosmopolitical is a union of States, the purpose of which is a legitimate and legal perpetual peace. Because of a number of flaws in kantian cosmopolitanism, and after a review of the main, contemporary theories in cosmopolitanism – cosmopolitan democracy, liberal cosmopolitanism and republican cosmopolitanism – we will defend a project of a federal, cosmopolitan union based on a worldwide Assembly and a Court of justice. Our goal is to adapt legality, publicity and civility – the three main principles of a public space – to international relations.How can we create – thanks to a cosmopolitan union – a worldwide public space, respectful of the liberty and plurality of people and nations, in order to make the project of perpetual peace happen?Key words : cosmopolitanism, cosmopolitical, nationalism, nation, state, nation-state, sovereignity, citizenship, public space, publicity, civility, globalization, westphalian model, collective security, United-Nations, global justice, federalism, war, peace

Esta pesquisa analisa o conflito ambiental em torno da construção da Usina Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte, no Pará, Amazônia brasileira. Tal conflito iniciou-se em meados da década de 1980, quando, a partir do inventário de bacias hidrográficas realizado visando o planejamento energético brasileiro, foi apontado no Plano Nacional de Energia Elétrica 1987/2010 que o aproveitamento energético do rio Xingu constituiria o maior projeto nacional daquele século e início do próximo. Desde então, uma ampla rede, conectando grupos sociais diversos – indígenas, ribeirinhos, agricultores, autoridades políticas, ambientalistas, socioambientalistas, celebridades –, relatórios e pareceres técnicos, instituições governamentais, organizações da sociedade civil, a floresta amazônica e a bacia do Rio Xingu, é associada, de forma instável e controversa, disputando-se a realização ou não deste projeto. Ancorando-se nas abordagens teórico-epistemológicas propostas por Bhabha (2007), Latour (1994), De la Cadena (2010), Stengers (2007), Viveiros de Castro (2002) e Boltanski (2009), é elaborada uma proposição do conceito de conflito ambiental, o interpretando como uma categoria híbrida, com o objetivo de reforçar a sua carga cosmopolítica. Além disso, considera-se que os conflitos são parte crucial do encontro de perspectivas e estão no centro das relações sociais, isto é, o mundo é um espaço de conflitos, que depende de agenciamentos e do encontro entre pontos de vista. A partir de pesquisa de campo realizada em Belém, Santarém, Brasília, Altamira e Volta Grande do Xingu, no período de novembro de 2010 a agosto de 2011, utilizando-se de registros etnográficos, entrevistas, observações, diário de campo, fotografias e análise de documentos, discutem-se os movimentos de entrecaptura (STENGERS, 2003) em torno da obra, adotando-se a noção de rede sociotécnica tal qual definida por Bruno Latour (LATOUR, 2003). Apresenta-se assim uma cartografia dos agentes envolvidos, visando-se demonstrar como o natural e o social são coproduzidos no conflito, discutindo-se os processos pelos quais o conflito e sua dinâmica em torno de pontos de vista divergentes têm se configurado. Contudo, para além da cartografia dos sujeitos, considera-se que há no processo entrecapturas distintas, caracterizadas por restrições lógicas e sintáticas diferentes. Essas distinções ficam claras no que se refere ao controle do tempo. Portanto, é associada à discussão da rede sociotécnica a análise das disputas cosmopolíticas pela definição de “ambiente” e “desenvolvimento”, conceitos centrais nas contestações entre os grupos confrontantes. Em suma, a partir dessa análise pode-se concluir que o conflito em torno de Belo Monte é um conflito no qual fica evidente que há diferenças maiores entre os pontos de vista dos diferentes sujeitos do que os estudos de impacto ambiental e as políticas de desenvolvimento podem abarcar. Ao explicitar demandas que alargam as noções convencionais de ambiente e política, pode-se afirmar que é em termos cosmopolíticos que o conflito se expressa, criando a abertura para uma nova circunscrição do tolerável. / This research analyzes the environmental conflict regarding the construction of the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Power Plant in the Pará State, Brazilian Amazon. This conflict started in the mid-eighties, when the watersheds were inventoried with the intention of establishing energy plans for the country; the Plano Nacional de Energia Elétrica 1987/2010 (National Electrical Energy Plan 1987/2010) established that the energetic leveraging of the Xingu river would be the largest national project of that century and the beginning of the next one. Since then, a network spanning diverse social groups – indigenous groups, ribeirinho populations, agriculturists, political authorities, environmentalists, socio-environmentalists, celebrities –, reports and technical opinions, governmental institutions, civil society organizations, the Amazon rainforest and the Xingu river basin has been associated in an unstable and controversial manner, contesting whether or not this project should be implemented. Based on the theoretical and epistemological approaches proposed by Bhabha (2007), Latour (1994), De la Cadena (2010), Stengers (2007), Viveiros de Castro (2002) and Boltanski (2009), this thesis elaborates a proposition of the related environmental conflict concept, interpreting this conflict as a hybrid category with the intention of stressing its cosmopolitical importance. In addition, we consider that these conflicts are a critical part of the observed clash of perspectives and are at the center of social relationships; i. e., the world is a stage for conflicts that depend on the negotiation and on the confrontation of points of view. Based on field researches carried out in Belém, Santarém, Brasília, Altamira and Volta Grande do Xingu, from November 2010 to August 2011, using ethnographical records, interviews, observations, field diaries, pictures and document analysis, we discuss intercapturing dynamics (STENGERS, 2003) around the project, adopting the notion of sociotechnical network as defined by Bruno Latour (LATOUR, 2003). Thus, this work presents a mapping of the involved agents with the intention of demonstrating how natural and social factors are co-produced in this conflict, also discussing the processes through which the conflict and its dynamics concerning diverging points of view have been arranging themselves. However, beyond the mapping of the subjects, we consider that the process presents distinct intercapturing forces, characterized by different logical and syntactical constraints. These distinctions are very clear in regards to time control. Therefore, the analysis of cosmopolitical disputes is associated to the discussion of the sociotechnical network through the definition of “environment” and “development”, which are core concepts in the arguments between confronting groups. In summary, this analysis allows us to conclude that the conflicts surrounding Belo Monte evidence that the differences between the points of view of the different subjects are greater than those encompassed by environmental impact studies and development policies. By identifying and revealing demands that expand the conventional notions of environment and politics, we are able to assert that this conflict expresses itself in cosmopolitical terms, opening space for a new delimitation for what is tolerable.

Esta pesquisa analisa o conflito ambiental em torno da construção da Usina Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte, no Pará, Amazônia brasileira. Tal conflito iniciou-se em meados da década de 1980, quando, a partir do inventário de bacias hidrográficas realizado visando o planejamento energético brasileiro, foi apontado no Plano Nacional de Energia Elétrica 1987/2010 que o aproveitamento energético do rio Xingu constituiria o maior projeto nacional daquele século e início do próximo. Desde então, uma ampla rede, conectando grupos sociais diversos – indígenas, ribeirinhos, agricultores, autoridades políticas, ambientalistas, socioambientalistas, celebridades –, relatórios e pareceres técnicos, instituições governamentais, organizações da sociedade civil, a floresta amazônica e a bacia do Rio Xingu, é associada, de forma instável e controversa, disputando-se a realização ou não deste projeto. Ancorando-se nas abordagens teórico-epistemológicas propostas por Bhabha (2007), Latour (1994), De la Cadena (2010), Stengers (2007), Viveiros de Castro (2002) e Boltanski (2009), é elaborada uma proposição do conceito de conflito ambiental, o interpretando como uma categoria híbrida, com o objetivo de reforçar a sua carga cosmopolítica. Além disso, considera-se que os conflitos são parte crucial do encontro de perspectivas e estão no centro das relações sociais, isto é, o mundo é um espaço de conflitos, que depende de agenciamentos e do encontro entre pontos de vista. A partir de pesquisa de campo realizada em Belém, Santarém, Brasília, Altamira e Volta Grande do Xingu, no período de novembro de 2010 a agosto de 2011, utilizando-se de registros etnográficos, entrevistas, observações, diário de campo, fotografias e análise de documentos, discutem-se os movimentos de entrecaptura (STENGERS, 2003) em torno da obra, adotando-se a noção de rede sociotécnica tal qual definida por Bruno Latour (LATOUR, 2003). Apresenta-se assim uma cartografia dos agentes envolvidos, visando-se demonstrar como o natural e o social são coproduzidos no conflito, discutindo-se os processos pelos quais o conflito e sua dinâmica em torno de pontos de vista divergentes têm se configurado. Contudo, para além da cartografia dos sujeitos, considera-se que há no processo entrecapturas distintas, caracterizadas por restrições lógicas e sintáticas diferentes. Essas distinções ficam claras no que se refere ao controle do tempo. Portanto, é associada à discussão da rede sociotécnica a análise das disputas cosmopolíticas pela definição de “ambiente” e “desenvolvimento”, conceitos centrais nas contestações entre os grupos confrontantes. Em suma, a partir dessa análise pode-se concluir que o conflito em torno de Belo Monte é um conflito no qual fica evidente que há diferenças maiores entre os pontos de vista dos diferentes sujeitos do que os estudos de impacto ambiental e as políticas de desenvolvimento podem abarcar. Ao explicitar demandas que alargam as noções convencionais de ambiente e política, pode-se afirmar que é em termos cosmopolíticos que o conflito se expressa, criando a abertura para uma nova circunscrição do tolerável. / This research analyzes the environmental conflict regarding the construction of the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Power Plant in the Pará State, Brazilian Amazon. This conflict started in the mid-eighties, when the watersheds were inventoried with the intention of establishing energy plans for the country; the Plano Nacional de Energia Elétrica 1987/2010 (National Electrical Energy Plan 1987/2010) established that the energetic leveraging of the Xingu river would be the largest national project of that century and the beginning of the next one. Since then, a network spanning diverse social groups – indigenous groups, ribeirinho populations, agriculturists, political authorities, environmentalists, socio-environmentalists, celebrities –, reports and technical opinions, governmental institutions, civil society organizations, the Amazon rainforest and the Xingu river basin has been associated in an unstable and controversial manner, contesting whether or not this project should be implemented. Based on the theoretical and epistemological approaches proposed by Bhabha (2007), Latour (1994), De la Cadena (2010), Stengers (2007), Viveiros de Castro (2002) and Boltanski (2009), this thesis elaborates a proposition of the related environmental conflict concept, interpreting this conflict as a hybrid category with the intention of stressing its cosmopolitical importance. In addition, we consider that these conflicts are a critical part of the observed clash of perspectives and are at the center of social relationships; i. e., the world is a stage for conflicts that depend on the negotiation and on the confrontation of points of view. Based on field researches carried out in Belém, Santarém, Brasília, Altamira and Volta Grande do Xingu, from November 2010 to August 2011, using ethnographical records, interviews, observations, field diaries, pictures and document analysis, we discuss intercapturing dynamics (STENGERS, 2003) around the project, adopting the notion of sociotechnical network as defined by Bruno Latour (LATOUR, 2003). Thus, this work presents a mapping of the involved agents with the intention of demonstrating how natural and social factors are co-produced in this conflict, also discussing the processes through which the conflict and its dynamics concerning diverging points of view have been arranging themselves. However, beyond the mapping of the subjects, we consider that the process presents distinct intercapturing forces, characterized by different logical and syntactical constraints. These distinctions are very clear in regards to time control. Therefore, the analysis of cosmopolitical disputes is associated to the discussion of the sociotechnical network through the definition of “environment” and “development”, which are core concepts in the arguments between confronting groups. In summary, this analysis allows us to conclude that the conflicts surrounding Belo Monte evidence that the differences between the points of view of the different subjects are greater than those encompassed by environmental impact studies and development policies. By identifying and revealing demands that expand the conventional notions of environment and politics, we are able to assert that this conflict expresses itself in cosmopolitical terms, opening space for a new delimitation for what is tolerable.