The purpose of this study was to provide a model for teachers for the use of the oral tradition of the Indian in local history courses.<p>The study was based on two basic premises: that the Indian side of history is neglected in Canadian history books and school textbooks and that the Indian oral tradition is as valid an historical source as the traditional documentary evidence.<p>The Frog Lake Massacre, an incident during the Riel Rebellion in which eight white residents of Frog Lake were killed by some of the followers of Big Bear's band, was chosen to demonstrate this model. The Indian story of the Frog Lake Massacre has not been told in history books. Thus, it was proposed that the oral tradition for this event be traced, recorded and preserved for this study. Since the people involved in the Frog Lake Massacre fled from the area at the time of the troubles, three areas were chosen where it was suggested that there might be descendants of the people from the Frog Lake area. These were: Onion Lake Reserve and Poundmaker Reserve in Saskatchewan and Rocky Boy Reservation in Montana.<p>The selection of the Elders who could provide the information was left to the director of the Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre, Smith Atimoyoo, and the Chippewa-Cree Research team at Rocky Boy. These people have been involved in cultural retention programmes and have familiarity with the various Elders and their expertise. For the purpose of this study, one Elder was chosen from each area -- Mrs. PeeMee (Poundmaker), Mr. Four Souls (Rocky Boy), Mr. Francis Harper (Onion Lake).<p>After the initial contact was made through the intermediaries, the researcher was introduced and the intent of the research explained, a time and place was arranged for the taping of the tradition.<p>In preparation for the interviews, an extensive study was made of the literature on the oral tradition and in particular the oral tradition of the Cree. Further consultations with Smith Atimoyoo provided invaluable information on the position of the Elders and how someone should approach them when requesting their help.<p>Four Souls was taped in his home by members of the Chippewa-Cree Research team, Mrs. PeeMee was interviewed in the home of her grandson in Saskatoon. Mr. Francis Harper was recorded in a field near his grandson's farm on Onion Lake Reserve.<p>A search of the literature revealed very little work on the collection and preservation of the oral tradition on Native North Americans. Vansina, working in Africa, examined oral traditions and devised certain criteria for testing their validity as historical sources.<p>The collected stories met the criteria for reliability -- the right of the person to tell that story.<p>In applying Vansina's criteria -- the characteristics of the historian himself i.e. who he was, his acculturation level, reaction to the researcher; characteristics of the tradition i.e. origin, type and transmission; the cultural environment i.e. cultural value of the tradition, purpose and function; mnemonic devices -- it was revealed that each historian fulfilled the criteria in a similar fashion. The only difference appeared in the purpose for telling the story. The more traditional Mrs. PeeMee told her account simply to remember and let her grand-daughter relive it with her. Francis Harper and Four Souls expressed a desire to right some of the stories which they had heard and considered untrue.<p>The study revealed that there is a Cree oral tradition concerning the Frog Lake Massacre. Three people from three separate areas covering over 500 miles gave essentially the same story with only differences in emphasis and perspective. Each account must be considered as a unique historical document for this event. Thus, the study showed there was an Indian oral tradition alive in Saskatchewan which is accessible and can be validated as historical evidence within its own frame of reference.<p>Suggestions were made for ways in which teachers could utilize this untapped resource without exploiting it.

This thesis looks at how the Cree people of Wemindji, James Bay, Québec, understand and live with ecological complexity and dynamism. The focus is on the interplay between variability, change, and continuity in the Canada goose (Branta canadensis) hunt. Looking at Cree goose-hunting in the light of cultural ecology and resilience thinking, the research suggests that Cree hunters are attentive and responsive to ecological fluctuations, fine-tuning local arrangements to local environmental conditions. Ecological variability and unpredictability, such as weather, goose population dynamics and migration patterns, are mediated by local management strategies in which goose hunting areas shift in space and time. However, whereas these strategies are still practiced nowadays, they are (to some extent) overwhelmed by changes occurring at larger scales. Some of these are related to climate change and anthropogenic disturbances; others are related to social-cultural changes that influence resource-use patterns. I discuss how these different drivers interact among themselves and impact the goose-hunt, and how the Wemindji Cree respond to these changes. / May 2008

The purpose of this study was to provide a model for teachers for the use of the oral tradition of the Indian in local history courses.<p>The study was based on two basic premises: that the Indian side of history is neglected in Canadian history books and school textbooks and that the Indian oral tradition is as valid an historical source as the traditional documentary evidence.<p>The Frog Lake Massacre, an incident during the Riel Rebellion in which eight white residents of Frog Lake were killed by some of the followers of Big Bear's band, was chosen to demonstrate this model. The Indian story of the Frog Lake Massacre has not been told in history books. Thus, it was proposed that the oral tradition for this event be traced, recorded and preserved for this study. Since the people involved in the Frog Lake Massacre fled from the area at the time of the troubles, three areas were chosen where it was suggested that there might be descendants of the people from the Frog Lake area. These were: Onion Lake Reserve and Poundmaker Reserve in Saskatchewan and Rocky Boy Reservation in Montana.<p>The selection of the Elders who could provide the information was left to the director of the Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre, Smith Atimoyoo, and the Chippewa-Cree Research team at Rocky Boy. These people have been involved in cultural retention programmes and have familiarity with the various Elders and their expertise. For the purpose of this study, one Elder was chosen from each area -- Mrs. PeeMee (Poundmaker), Mr. Four Souls (Rocky Boy), Mr. Francis Harper (Onion Lake).<p>After the initial contact was made through the intermediaries, the researcher was introduced and the intent of the research explained, a time and place was arranged for the taping of the tradition.<p>In preparation for the interviews, an extensive study was made of the literature on the oral tradition and in particular the oral tradition of the Cree. Further consultations with Smith Atimoyoo provided invaluable information on the position of the Elders and how someone should approach them when requesting their help.<p>Four Souls was taped in his home by members of the Chippewa-Cree Research team, Mrs. PeeMee was interviewed in the home of her grandson in Saskatoon. Mr. Francis Harper was recorded in a field near his grandson's farm on Onion Lake Reserve.<p>A search of the literature revealed very little work on the collection and preservation of the oral tradition on Native North Americans. Vansina, working in Africa, examined oral traditions and devised certain criteria for testing their validity as historical sources.<p>The collected stories met the criteria for reliability -- the right of the person to tell that story.<p>In applying Vansina's criteria -- the characteristics of the historian himself i.e. who he was, his acculturation level, reaction to the researcher; characteristics of the tradition i.e. origin, type and transmission; the cultural environment i.e. cultural value of the tradition, purpose and function; mnemonic devices -- it was revealed that each historian fulfilled the criteria in a similar fashion. The only difference appeared in the purpose for telling the story. The more traditional Mrs. PeeMee told her account simply to remember and let her grand-daughter relive it with her. Francis Harper and Four Souls expressed a desire to right some of the stories which they had heard and considered untrue.<p>The study revealed that there is a Cree oral tradition concerning the Frog Lake Massacre. Three people from three separate areas covering over 500 miles gave essentially the same story with only differences in emphasis and perspective. Each account must be considered as a unique historical document for this event. Thus, the study showed there was an Indian oral tradition alive in Saskatchewan which is accessible and can be validated as historical evidence within its own frame of reference.<p>Suggestions were made for ways in which teachers could utilize this untapped resource without exploiting it.

This thesis explores the history of Mounted Police and Cree relations on two Saskatchewan Reserves: Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation in the north-east of the province, and Poundmaker Cree Nation in the central south-western portion of Saskatchewan.<p> Sources include oral interviews of elders from each reserve as well as a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police records.<p> One of the main goals of this thesis is to present a Cree perspective on contact and interaction with the Mounted Police. Although police policies were supposedly the same towards all Indians, specific elements of the Mounted Police dealings were altered according to a variety of external influences. For example, different environmental features from one region to the other prohibited the adoption of agriculture in the north. Diverse patterns of Euro-Canadian settlement, concentrated in the north but widespread in the south, also influenced relations. In addition, differences in the two Cree groups forced the Mounted Police to realize that not all Indians were the same.<p> This thesis supplies a brief history of the two Cree groups to provide insight on the existing methods of Cree law enforcement long-established prior to the arrival of the Mounted Police, and the complexities encountered in adapting to the laws of the Canadian government. Consideration is given to the difficulties in creating a law enforcement group to police the newly acquired North West Territories, as well as the initial phases of Cree and police contact for each region.<p> Each region experienced its own history, which contributed to the relationship between the Cree and the Mounted Police. For example, in the Battleford region the 1885 Rebellion played a key role in denigrating the image of the Poundmaker Cree, whereas the Peter Ballantyne Cree experienced no such event which created such a negative image. Poverty, starvation, and disease among both Cree groups were unfortunate elements which resulted from police enforcement of certain detrimental government policies. All the same, the Cree perceived the police as "protectors", yet were fully aware that they were also forced to carry out the orders of the Canadian government. It is this delicate balance between duty and humanity that had the greatest impact on relations between the Cree and the Mounted Police in Saskatchewan.

This study described the stories of a First Nations mother and provides an interpretative analysis on how she used stories to teach Cree culture, language, and identity. The stories presented are in the stream of mother-daughter communication. The oral transmission of the Cree stories communicated through mother tongue form the basis of this work. It is through the analysis of my mother's stories that I have come to understand what it means to be a Cree woman. Throughout, we have a level of communication and understanding that has come full circle in appreciating my mother's ways as we collaborated to interpret our stories.<p> The literature reviewed presents a theoretical discussion which illuminates Aboriginal matriarchal voice. The literature review explores works within the historical, contemporary, literary, and feminists paradigms which speak from Aboriginal women and their stories. The literature includes the perspectives of Aboriginal authors and their views on epistemology. In this naturalistic study, I used the descriptive narrative approach to reflect on a mother's stories in the stream of day-to-day activity. I collected data using field notes gathered on-site, audio-tapes of stories from my mother's lived experience, and a reflective journal of observations and insights that linked theory and pedagogy. Themes were derived from the stories which illustrated a metaphysical, ecological, and cultural journey toward wholeness. These themes represent the ways story is used within the context of lived experience. Further, a cultural metaphor using the pattern of the flower symbolized a woman's connections with Cree knowledge. The study became an emancipatory narrative because it allowed a Cree woman's voice to be acknowledged.<p> Using storytelling as a narrative framework, I have found that the oral tradition is a fundamental communicative pattern for the Cree people. Further, the stories we share lead to growth and understanding of self as a Cree person. For this, the ways stories are told shape and form the basis of Cree knowledge. In this study, the use of analogies, symbolism, and metaphor are primary ways of coming to know.

This thesis considers the reference system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken in Canada. I argue that the referential system of this language can be understood as coding distinctions in extentionality; it distinguishes between referents that possess perspectives (‘intentional’) and referents that do not (‘extentional’). With respect to perspectival possession, Plains Cree distinguishes four referential classes: (i) inherently extentional “Inanimate” referents, (ii) contextually extentional “Obviative” referents, (iii) contextually intentional “Proximate” referents, and (iv) unspecified “Animate” referents. I then show that the referential class “Obviative” is decompositional; it is constructed out of components that code referential dependency, which is the confluence of structural ordering and perspectival embedding. Finally, I consider the methodological issues raised by the study of referential types, showing how different data-collection methods interact with the semantics of perspectival possession.

This thesis proposes that there are two kinds of clauses: indexical clauses, which are evaluated with respect to the speech situation; and anaphoric clauses, which are evaluated with respect to a contextually-given (anaphoric) situation. Empirical motivation for this claim comes from the clause-typing system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken on the Canadian plains, which morpho-syntactically distinguishes between two types of clauses traditionally called INDEPENDENT and CONJUNCT orders. In the current analysis, the INDEPENDENT order instantiates indexical clauses, and the CONJUNCT order instantiates anaphoric clauses. After laying out the proposal (chapter 1) and establishing the morphosyntax of Plains Cree CPs (chapter 2), the remaining chapters discuss the proposal in detail. Chapter 3 focusses on the syntax and semantics of indexical clauses (Plains Cree’s INDEPENDENT order). Syntactically, I show that there is an anti-c-command and an anti-precedence condition on indexical clauses. Semantically, I show that indexical clauses are always and only evaluated with respect to the speech situation, including the speech time (temporal anchoring), speech place (spatial anchoring), and speaker (referential anchoring). Chapter 4 focusses on the syntax and semantics of anaphoric clauses (Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT order). Syntactically, I show that anaphoric clauses must always be either preceded or dominated by some other antecedent clause. Semantically, I show that the value of temporal/spatial/referential dependent elements within an anaphoric clause is determined by an antecedent. Chapter 5 turns to the syntactic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there are three classes: chained clauses, adjunct clauses, and mediated argument clauses. I provide two kinds of diagnostics that distinguish these classes, and explore the consequences of this classification for argument clauses and complementation. Finally, Chapter 6 proposes a semantic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there is a direct mapping between the morphology and the semantics: one complementizer encodes presupposition of the proposition, the lack of a complementizer encodes a-veridicality of the proposition, and one complementizer is semantically unspecified (the elsewhere case). This means that Plains Cree’s clause-typing is fundamentally concerned with how the truth of the proposition is represented.

No description available.

Food use and nutrient intake were studied with Cree women of Wemindji and Eastmain, Quebec. Twenty-four hour recalls and food frequency questionnaires were used among three age groups of women and in two seasons. Age had an effect on the mean amount of traditional food consumed (p $<$ 0.0001). Species and amounts of traditional food consumed varied by season. Ninety-four percent of women exceeded 2/3 of the recommended nutrient intake (RNI) for protein and 80% exceeded 2/3 of the RNI for iron, despite lower than recommended reported energy intakes. Calcium intakes of less than 1/2 the RNI were reported by 44% of women. Mean total fat intake reported by young and middle adults was greater than 30% of total energy. Qualitative inquiry into changing food use revealed that most women agree that traditional food use has declined for a variety of reasons, and that community residents should use more traditional food.

No description available.