Différents modèles ont été proposés pour expliquer l’émergence de capacités cognitives complexes et de cultures modernes. Un nombre croissant de preuves révélant un comportement complexe et innovant au moyen Age de la Pierre en Afrique, mais aussi dans les cultures néandertaliennes, ont déclenché plusieurs changements de paradigme dans ce domaine au cours des dernières décennies. Une grande partie du matériel potentiellement pertinent pour ce domaine doit encore être documenté et étudié dans l'optique d’évaluer son importance et implication dans le débat sur les origines du comportement symbolique (SMB). L’Europe de l’Est (EE) en est un bon exemple. Bien que de découvertes aient été faites en EE, le matériel archéologique pertinent pour l’étude des origines du comportement moderne n’est généralement pas systématiquement et spécifiquement traité comme tel. Cette thèse représente une tentative globale de documenter et d’évaluer ce matériel, permettant une vue plus claire de la disponibilité de preuves potentiellement pertinentes, comme première étape nécessaire pour comprendre le temps et le mode d’émergence des SMB dans ces régions. Accompagnée d'une base de données décrivant les annales archéologiques, la thèse présente trois études de cas présentant l'analyse des objets ayant des implications pour l’émergence de comportements complexes en EE. Ces études élargissent la vision de l’émergence du SMB en EE. Elles identifient de nouvelles preuves de comportement complexe avant l’UP à partir d’une vaste région encore sous-représentée et apportent de nouvelles approches méthodologiques à leur analyse, contribuant ainsi à l’évaluation des modèles sur l’émergence du SMB. / A number of different models has been proposed to explain the emergence of complex cognitive abilities and cultures comparable to ours. A growing body of evidence revealing complex and innovative behavior in African MSA, but also in Neanderthal cultures, triggered several paradigmatic shifts in this field during the past decades. A lot of the possibly relevant material still needs to be documented and evaluated in order to assess its significance and implications it may have for the debate on the origins of symbolically mediated behavior (SMB). Eastern Europe (EE) represents a case in point. Although potentially relevant discoveries have been made, the archaeological material pertinent for the study of origins of modern behavior and culture generally is not systematically and specifically addressed as such. This dissertation represents an integrated attempt to document and evaluate such material, allowing a more balanced view of the availability of potentially relevant evidence from EE, necessary to understand the time and mode of the emergence of SMB in these regions. Along a database outlining possibly relevant archaeological record, the dissertation presents three specific case studies reporting the results of analysis of the objects bearing implications for the emergence of complex, possibly symbolic behavior in EE. The case studies that form a core of the dissertation broaden the view of the emergence of SMB in EE. They identify new evidence of complex behavior pre-dating the UP from a vast, usually underrepresented region, and bring new methodological approaches to their analysis, contributing thus to the evaluation of the models on the emergence of SMB.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas. / Mestre

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Western, post-soviet foreign policies have led to an ever increasing split between western politics and Russia. Starting with the Russian war in Georgia and culminating with the Crimean crisis 2013-2014 it has become evident that the luggage from the cold war has not quite yet stopped ruling geopolitics in the world. To provide diplomatic solutions which are acceptable to all parties, it is important to provide a coherent analysis of Russia´s motives behind conquering Crimea. Without an analysis of Russia´s view on the situation there is a risk of a situation in which the crisis might escalate and lead to further military escalation which in turn might lead to catastrophical events. The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether the decision making process of Russia to invade Crimea can be explained using the Rational Actor Method in analyzing Russia´s actions during the crisis and present a possible account of the decision making process behind Russia´s decision to invade Crimea. With the aid of cultural, historical and strategic perspectives alongside a theory of Russian quest for status this essay provides a thorough analysis of the Russian decision to invade the Crimean peninsula using an analytical method derived from the Rational Actor Paradigm. Conclusively, using the Rational Actor Model in an extensive analysis presents a possible decision making process of Russia´s motives and reasons behind its decision to conquer Crimea.

Russia has since the beginning of the Cold War been a security problem and a threat to the Scandinavian countries, this considered by the countries' respective intelligence service, actors that are analysing Russia and the threat to the countries. However, information about Russia as a threat from the intelligence services' own perspective has so far been limited to information related to the Cold War period. This study thus aims to fill the research gap that exists on how intelligence services currently view Russia and contribute to more knowledge about how they view the threat from Russia, through their annual reports concerning the years 2012-2019. These annual reports are published by the intelligence services and describe their focus areas. This thesis uses a qualitative method to study the annual reports. To analyse what emerged from the annual reports, three different analytical frameworks are used: Buzan’s expanded security concept, the regional security complex theory and the balance of threat theory. What has emerged from examining these annual reports is that the threat from Russia has become increasingly complex and that Russia today and in contrast to the Cold War period, operates not only in the traditional military and political sector, but also in the economic and the societal sector. Based on the intelligence services' annual reports, Russia has increased as a threat and affects more regions concerning the security than its own. In order to be able to fully understand Scandinavia's region and security, Russia as a threat to the countries must be included. Sweden has not chosen to respond to the threat from Russia by joining NATO, where both Denmark and Norway are already members. The three Scandinavian countries have responded to the threat from Russia by increasing their focus on the national defence.

Seit Beginn der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Ukraine und der anschließenden russischen Annexion der Krim ist das öffentliche Interesse an der neusten Geschichte Russlands und an Putins System international stark gestiegen. Auch im deutschsprachigen Raum sind in den letzten zwei Jahren auffällig viele Publikationen erschienen, die der aktuellen Situation in Russland und speziell dem russischen Machthaber gewidmet sind. Die Mehrheit dieser Veröffentlichungen stammt aus dem Gebiet der Journalistik oder Populärwissenschaft (Ewers, Philipp. 2015. Putin verstehen? : russische Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Ära Wladimir Putin; Reitschuster, Boris. 2016. Putins verdeckter Krieg; Bidder, Benjamin. 2016. Generation Putin: Das neue Russland verstehen, u. a.), aber auch einige Fachwissenschaftler wagen sich an die hochaktuelle Thematik, die weit über den wissenschaftlichen Bereich hinausführen kann.

This paper addresses the question of whether Russia’s role conception changed after the annexation of Crimea. Research on role conceptions has a solid standing within foreign policy analysis, but information on role change and what it is that affects it has not been given the necessary attention. The paper’s theoretical framework contains earlier theoretical definitions of role conceptions and role change. In conjunction with the theoretical approach, process tracing and systematic text analysis with a focus on narratives are used as methodological tools. Relevant findings are then generated through the study of elite-expressions of the Russian master role from, firstly, the period between 2012 and late 2013, and, secondly, 2014. In brief, the results indicate that no major change occurred. Rather the role conception remained stable throughout both sequences. This suggests that the ramifications of the annexation of Crimea did not challenge the Russian master role and that it was not perceived as a crisis by Putin and his colleagues. Moreover, it is possible that role change more likely occurs when exceptional circumstances arise unexpectedly and when they fundamentally challenge ingrained role conceptions.

Neoclassical realism has the ability to advance our understanding of foreign policy responses through the recently designed neoclassical realist model. However as international relations have proven, a theory is not a concrete motionless design. Improvements can be made and the fluidity of theory allows social sciences to adapt and advance. This thesis introduces developments to neoclassical realism by stating that the individual factors and intervening variables hold varying degrees of importance that alter between each foreign policy decision. There is no overarching set of instructions for 'foreign policy', rather an adaptable model that takes into consideration the geopolitical arena, the state and the statesman. The case study chosen for this thesis is the Russian foreign policy response to annex Crimea from Ukraine in 2014. Analysis and comparisons of the variables resulted in three factors standing out as most significant. The most important influence within the systemic stimuli was the nature of the strategic environment and the window of opportunity that arose in Crimea due to Ukrainian political and military instability. The intervening variable leader images proved to be the decisive factor, as the consolidation of power by Vladimir Putin allowed the annexation to be completed...

The subject of this thesis is to describe and explain the phenomenon of burning books in contemporary Russia, possibly in the territory annexed by Crimea and East Ukraine. The thesis deals with events in the last 15 years, during which several cases of book burning were identified. The fundamental procedure of the thesis is a thorough verification of these events and their introduction into the socio-political context of contemporary Russia. The aim will be to address aspects of social and political circumstances that can encourage or support these trends.

The relationship between Russia and Norway is one dictated by the asymmetric nature and ideological differences among the two states. Ever since the Cold War, the relationship has been one of cooperation and communication, characterized by Norway's dual policy and constant balancing between assertiveness and reassurance. After the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Norwegian security policy seemingly shifted in an assertive direction. Russia was once again lifted from the politics of normal to the politics of extra through a securitization. This thesis aims to demonstrate how Russia became resecuritized after the Russian annexation of Crimea. The empirical evidence presented in this thesis demonstrates that this assertive shift that came after the resecuritization of Russia is a result of the Russian demonstration of its modernized military, rather than a natural consequence of the hostile act the annexation was. It seeks to demonstrate that the changing security climate with Russia's new ways of war, or so-called hybrid warfare, coupled with a diminishing US interest in the Alliance, is the reason for this change in Norwegian security policy.