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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 61 to 70 of 80 (0.036 seconds)| 61 |
Det kognitiva slagfältet : en studie av nutida rysk psykologisk krigföring / The Cognitive Battlefield : a study on contemporary Russian psychological warfareGustafsson, Andreas January 2020 (has links)
Following the 2008 Georgian war, Russia identified major deficiencies in its warfare capability, which lead to an extensive reformation and modernization of Russian forces. The reformation was accompanied by a Russian theoretical discussion concerning the wars of tomorrow. Several eminent Russian theorists emphasized the growing importance of non-kinetic means and methods, of which psychological warfare was considered as one of the most primary. Western scholars also emphasized an increased Russian focus on psychological warfare. Despite the identified increased significance on the subject, there is a palpable lack of research on contemporary Russian psychological warfare. This study aims to decrease this lack of research on the subject. Using a theory consuming approach, Russian psychological warfare is analyzed from two cases, Georgia 2008 and Crimea 2014. The study is based on a qualitative text analysis of open sources. By combining two theories on psychological warfare, an analytical tool is developed which is then used in the analysis of the two cases. The theories that form the study´s theoretical base derives from Martin Libicki and Ron Schleifer. The two cases are analyzed and then followed by a comparative analysis of the cases. The study’s result shows that psychological warfare is an important component in Russian warfare, especially in the case of Crimea. Furthermore the study indicates that psychological warfare was a main component in the Crimea case, whereas it was a mere supportive component in the Georgian case. The results show that Russian psychological warfare is used above all to create a favorable strategic context, where the Russian society and neutrals appears to be the most important target audiences to influence. The results also indicates that psychological warfare contributes in misleading the opponent and could thereby also contribute with obvious operational and tactical advantages for Russian warfare.
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Ruské hybridní aktivity na Ukrajine: anektování Krymu a válka na Donbase / Russian Hybrid Warfare in Ukraine: the Annexation of Crimea and the Donbas War.Lutsenko, Oleksandr January 2021 (has links)
The aim of the work is to analyze the hybrid strategy of Russia against Ukraine. The thesis works with the notion of the socio-cultural concept of the Russian world in the context of a hybrid war. Information campaigns and narratives based on identity change can be used for military purposes. Propaganda and historical paradigms are used in planning hybrid operations. During the military operation in Crimea and the war in Donbass, certain parts of society are radicalized and used in the active part of the conflict.
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The Debate on the Principle of Territorial Integrity in Europe: The Russian Perspective : A Qualitative Content Analysis of How Russia Positions Itself in the Cases of Kosovo and CrimeaAnnys, Diego January 2022 (has links)
A central tenet of international law is the right to territorial integrity, a right for which states may have their reasons to interpret differently. This thesis sets out to give insights to how Russia approaches breaches to said right to territorial integrity depending on their own national interests, and how they frame said interests in the European cases of Kosovo and Crimea. This thesis uses realist, neoliberalist and constructivist lenses to shed light on this question, employing key concepts from these theories through a qualitative content analysis on documents from the United Nations Security Council as well as the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that display Russia’s position in above mentioned cases. This study reveals a change of the Russian perspective between both cases, as well as determining that Russia frames their reactions in a way that serves its own interests best.
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Crimean Rhetorical Sovereignty: Resisting A Deportation Of IdentityBerry, Christian 01 January 2013 (has links)
On a small contested part of the world, the peninsula of Crimea, once a part of the former Soviet Union, lives a people who have endured genocide and who have struggled to etch out an identity in a land once their own. They are the Crimean Tatar. Even their name, an exonym promoting the Crimeans’ “peripheral status” (Powell) and their ensuing “cultural schizophrenia” (Vizenor), bears witness to the otherization they have withstood throughout centuries. However, despite attempts to relegate them to the history books, Crimeans are alive and well in the “motherland,” but not without some difficulty. Having been forced to reframe their identities because of numerous imperialistic, colonialist, and soviet behavior and policies, there have been many who have resisted, first and foremost through rhetorical sovereignty, the ability to reframe Crimean Tatar identity through Crimean Tatar rhetoric. This negotiation of identity through rhetoric has included a fierce defense of their language and culture in what Malea Powell calls a “war with homogeneity,” a struggle for identification based on resistance. This thesis seeks to understand the rhetorical function of naming practices as acts that inscribe material meaning and perform marginalization or resistance within the context of Crimea-L, a Yahoo! Group listserv as well as immediate and remote Crimean history. To analyze the rhetoric of marginalization and resistance in naming practices, I use the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) within recently archived discourses. Ruth Wodak’s DHA strategies will be reappropriated as Naming Practice Strategies, depicting efforts in otherization or rhetorical sovereignty.
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Крымская война в массовом сознании населения стран-участниц : магистерская диссертация / Crimean war in mass consciousness of the populace of participating countriesКарасюк, Р. Д., Karasyuk, R. D. January 2015 (has links)
В работе произведена попытка изучить Крымскую войну 1853-1856 годов с точек зрения противоборствующих сторон и рассмотреть ситуации, которые оставили след в культуре и массовом сознании населения Англии, Франции, Италии и России. Изучено как восприятие этой войны во всех указанных странах развивалось с 1853 года по 2006. / In my work I tried to study how the Crimean war of 1853-1856 is seen in participating countries and find out situations, that left marks in the culture and mass consciousness of people of England, France, Italy and Russia. Also in this work I studied how the perception of this war changed from 1853 to 2006.
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Russia’s embrace : Crimean mythology in Putin’s public communications 2014-2022van der Laan, Dennis January 2023 (has links)
This dissertation is aimed at investigating which elements from the Russian mythology about Crimea appear in Putin’s public political communications in the period 2014-2022, how they are used and for which reasons they are used. Crimea has been a crucial region in history-making throughout the past decade and has played an important role in Russian politics, Russian-Ukrainian relations and Russian-Western relations. Through a discourse analysis, this dissertation hopes to uncover some of the underlying mythological factors for the importance of Crimea to Russia today, why and how particular narratives make an appearance in Putin’s political communications and which political ramifications those might have. The research question is then “How has Vladimir Putin used mythology about Crimea in his political communications in the period 2014-2022?”. This research question is supported by two sub-questions: “Which narratives about Crimea appear in Vladimir Putin’s speeches in 2014-2022?” and “Which historical narratives about Crimea have been prevalent in Russian discourses since its initial annexation in 1783?”. I find that ultimately the elements of Crimean mythology used in Putin’s political communications serve to legitimize the annexation by demonstrating how Crimea is historically connected to Russian history, even if their immediate ‘function’ within the text is not evidently a legitimizing one. I also conclude that there are various ways in which these used elements of mythology might have political ramifications, namely through agenda-setting in the media, through framing political reality from a particular perspective, and lastly through changing the assessment indicators of political performance in Russia.
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La Grande-Bretagne, le Nord et la Baltique du milieu du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la Première Guerre mondiale : des relations et un regard en évolution / Britain, the North and the Baltic from the mid-nineteenth century until the First World War : an evolving relationship and perceptionBlanc, Philippe 02 December 2016 (has links)
Au milieu du XIXe siècle, la zone baltique est considérée par les Britanniques comme une périphérie lointaine et sous-développée, malgré l’existence de relations privilégiées liées à l’aura romantique de la Scandinavie, à l’importance économique de la région en tant que fournisseur de matières premières essentielles, et à sa position géographique, proche du rival russe du Grand Jeu. Au vu de ce lien particulier, du potentiel socioéconomique des pays nordiques, et de la nécessité de multiplier les débouchés commerciaux, les différents acteurs britanniques espèrent, après l’avènement du libéralisme, participer au développement de la région, et même en bénéficier sur le plan économique. Cependant, si la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle voit effectivement de nombreux Britanniques, marchands, entrepreneurs, capitalistes, ou ingénieurs, contribuer activement à l’essor et à la modernisation des régions baltiques, les évolutions diplomatiques et économiques, marquées essentiellement par la montée en puissance de l’Allemagne, une stabilisation des relations avec la Russie et une balance commerciale obstinément déficitaire, conduisent la Grande-Bretagne à repenser son rôle régional en permanence jusqu’aux tensions internationales du début du XXe siècle. / By the middle of the 19th century, the Baltic area is regarded by the British as a far-off, underdeveloped periphery, although there exist privileged relationships linked to the romantic attraction of Scandinavia, the economic importance of the region as supplier of essential raw materials and its geographical location in the vicinity of the Russian rival of the Great Game. Considering this special link, the socio-economic potential of the Nordic countries, and the necessity to multiply Britain’s commercial outlets, the various British actors hope, after the advent of liberalism, to participate in the region’s development, and even benefit from it at economic level. Yet, if, during the second half of the nineteenth century, many British merchants, entrepreneurs, capitalists or engineers do take an active part in the takeoff and modernisation of the Baltic regions, diplomatic and economic developments, whose main features are a rising Germany, more stable relations with Russia, and a stubbornly negative trade balance, lead Britain to continually reconsider its regional role until the international tensions of the early twentieth century.
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The creation of the United Nations Organization as a factor in Soviet foreign policy, 1943-46Dolff, David J Unknown Date
No description available.
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The creation of the United Nations Organization as a factor in Soviet foreign policy, 1943-46Dolff, David J 11 1900 (has links)
The thesis explores in depth the negotiations to create the United Nations Organization through which Stalin sought to enhance the USSRs power and prestige via traditional, military-oriented means. Although the Kremlin was relatively successful at maximizing Soviet power within the structure of the UNO, its inflexibility on issues such as Poland, Latin American membership, and other issues antagonized its wartime allies, the USA and Britain. This developing fracture seriously undermined cooperation among the victorious great powers both within the new organization and more broadly. As a result, the process of founding the UNO proved to be both a significant cause and reflection of the degeneration of the wartime Grand Alliance into the Cold War. / History
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Framing the role of Russia : An analysis of selected news articles and interviews with Swedish and German journalists on the annexation of Crimea in 2014Helleberg, Elina January 2021 (has links)
This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.
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