The present study explores the presence of religion in the political field in Brazil through a populist discourse. The aim of this study is to understand how religion is used in populist discourse, contributing to studies regarding populist rhetoric, in terms of the reasons as well as the effects of that. The base of this study is the analysis of the political discourse of the electoral campaign of Jair Bolsonaro, elected President of Brazil in 2018. The Theory of Critical Discourse Analysis or Tridimensional Theory of Norman Fairclough is used in a theoretical and methodological perspective, using the formal features of the discourse texts for explaining how religion is present in the political field. The data consists in the analysis of the videos published in the official YouTube Channel of the candidate during the period of the electoral campaign, considering also the three first speeches after winning the elections. The findings demonstrate that religion is not quantitatively present in the source material, however, the analysis suggests a possibility of the existence of a “religious populism”, since the centrality of religion would make this presence qualitative. This centrality is suggested through the verification of four perspectives, which consist in the presence of religion as Legitimacy of the Presidency; as Formal Content; through the Subjects who participate of the electoral campaign; and in the material form, through the Fundamentalist Content of the discourse. Finally, the study contributes to the field of political rhetoric in a sense of providing a partial analysis of a political discourse that had the power of convincing the largest country of South America, suggesting the reasons and effects it may promote in that society.

Bereaved parents face many challenges after the death of their child and often turn to professional support services, including the field of social work for support and assistance. In the field of social work, there is not a lot of research and education regarding bereaved parents. Through a critical discourse analysis (CDA), academic social work materials are analyzed to gain a basis for understanding how social work students are educated about bereaved parents, as this impacts social work students’ future practice with bereaved parents. The CDA reveals that there are several hidden discourses of ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ grief, which marginalize, ostracize and pathologize bereaved parents. There are also discourses of expertise, both the bereaved parent as the expert and the social worker as the expert. The discourse that bereaved parents are experts is less common. Implications of all of these discourses for social work practice is discussed. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)

I detta arbete tittar jag på hur de engelskspråkiga ländernas historia presenteras i kursböcker för kurserna Engelska A och Engelska B på gymnasiet.Jag har valt att titta på vilka länder som finns representerade och hur mycket fakta om de engelskspråkiga ländernas historia som finns i de utvalda kursböckerna.Jag ville också se vilka bilder dessa texter gav läsaren om länderna, positiva eller negativa.Resultatet av min analys är att mängden fakta varierar mellan kursböckerna, beroende på vilken kursbok du läser samt vilka länder som presenteras i denna. Det är inte bara faktatexter i böckerna, utan även utdrag från olika romaner och dikter som är skriva genom tiderna. Detta så att läsaren får en smakbit av hur litteraturen var då. De engelskaspråkiga länder som finns med i kursböckerna är: USA, Irland, Storbritannien, Australien, Nya Zeeland, Kanada, Indien, Jamaica, de Karibiska öarna och några länder från den Afrikanska kontinenten. Några av dessa länder är mer förekommande än andra i kursböckerna, som exempel USA och Irland som finns med i alla 4 kursböcker.Ordningen ovan är i den ordning som länderna förekommer, med flest antal sidor först, dvs USA är representerad med flest sidor. Resultatet av detta är att maktstrukturen i dagens värld är överförd även till de engelska kursböckerna på gymnasiet i Sverige. USA är mest förekommande i kursböckerna och har även en betydande faktor i världen idag. Detta är tvärt emot vad Faircloughs Kritiska Diskursanalys (som jag har använt i mitt arbete) försöker göra, nämligen att skapa en mer jämlik värld. / In this thesis I look at how the English Speaking countries´ history are presented in four English course books aiming for English studies at Upper Secondary School, courses English A and English B (EN1201 and EN1202).I have chosen to look at which countries that are mentioned in the course books and how much fact about the English speaking countries history that the course books have. I also wanted to see what images these texts gave the readers about the countries, a positive or a negative image.The results of my analysis are that the amount of facts in the course books varies, depending on which book you look at and also the choice of countries that are presented in the books. It is not only “factual” texts in the course books either; there are also extracts from different novels and poems that were written through the ages. This so the reader gets a “taste” of what literature was like back when. The English speaking countries that are included in the course books are as follows: the USA, Ireland, Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, India, Jamaica, the Caribbean Islands and countries on the African Continent. Some of the English speaking countries´ are more frequent than others in the course books, for example the USA and Ireland, are mentioned in all four of the course books. The order in which the countries are mentioned above is due to the number of pages that they claim in the course books, putting the USA in the lead with most pages. The result of this is that the power structure of the world today is transferred to the course books at Upper secondary school in Sweden, that the USA is the most frequent country mentioned in the course books and also in world. This contradicts what Fairclough´s Critical Discourse Analysis (which I use in this thesis) is trying to do, namely to create a more equal world.

Climate change will undeniably be this century’s greatest challenge. The complexity and moral ambiguity of the problem entail severe difficulties in achieving unanimous conceptions of an equitable burden-sharing formula. It is additionally intrinsically intertwined with and an amplifier of social injustices, placing issues of justice at the forefront of climate agendas. The Paris Agreement remarked on the necessary breakthrough in climate negotiations and a ground-breaking switch in climate diplomacy. Nonetheless, much remains unclear when it comes to its achievements; has it eradicated old negotiation deadlocks between North and South, and how have conceptualizations of climate justice evolved. With a critical discourse analysis and lens of distributive climate justice, the thesis studies discursive practices at COP21 and COP26 with the aspiration of unveiling changes in discursive constructions of climate justice. Discoveries made indicate that developed and developing countries continue to construct climate justice on widely different normative grounds. Particularistic notions of climate justice persist and undermine abilities to foster socially shared solutions to climate change. This research provides revised and valuable insights into contemporary climate action under the Paris Agreement. Exposing discursive practices is vital to understand the underlying dynamics that produce the social reality of climate justice.

This study examines the ways in which men who relate sexually to children, identified in the press as paedophiles, are represented in four leading newspapers in the Republic of Ireland in the period from 2003-2005. Utilising a qualitative research methodology namely critical discourse analysis, a social constructionist approach and informed by post-structural perspectives, this research examines the ways in which the masculinities of the man represented as `the paedophile¿ are constructed. This research demonstrates how the normative is reinforced through the delegitimation of the masculinities of these men. The discursive regimes and cultural scenarios drawn upon in representations of `the paedophile¿ reflect degrees of deviation from hegemonic masculinity in an always already `deviant¿ group of men. Inactive heterosexuality and homosexuality are not hegemonic masculine practices, and the masculinity of supposedly, celibate clergymen and homosexual men is discursively subordinated. A consideration of the material dimensions of these discourses, illustrates how the media representation of men who relate sexually to children, confirms the normative contours of society and strategically excludes hegemonic masculinity and the wider society from association with adult male sexual interaction with children.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

In times of increased immigration around the world, caused by conflicts for example the refugee crisis in 2015 and the war in Ukraine, immigration politics are constantly on the agenda. This study explores how the Swedish political parties Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna portray immigrants in written interpellations and interpellation debates. Previous research on the topic shows how portrayals of immigrants influence attitudes in society towards the group. This emphasizes the need for more research in this area. The purpose of this study is to develop the understanding and knowledge of how social groups are socially constructed and what potential implications for the group this might have, as well as the potential reproduction of power relations. The study is a critical discourse analysis in which Fairclough's three-dimensional model and theoretical concepts are used. The study’s result revealed a contradiction between the different political parties regarding immigrants in relation to responsibility. Immigrants were placed in an impossible situation by some of the political parties, which implied that immigrants must take responsibility on their own, have taken responsibility, and must start taking responsibility while at the same time immigrants were portrayed as incapable of taking responsibility. Furthermore, immigrants were portrayed as an economic burden in various aspects such as social security contribution and increasing the risk of education inflation. The result also showed a consistent we-and-them perspective in which immigrants were given the identity as them with various negative associations. Lastly, it becomes clear that the immigrant's voice is missing in the public debate. Immigrants are always talked about instead of with them. This can reproduce an unequal power relationship in which the political parties have the power in the discourse to construct the group and give them a social identity. / I takt med ökad immigration runt om i världen på grund av diverse konflikter till exempel flyktingkrisen 2015 och kriget i Ukraina, är immigrationspolitik ett ständigt aktuellt ämne. Studien undersöker hur de svenska riksdagspartierna Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna framställer immigranter i skriftliga interpellationer och interpellationsdebatter. Tidigare forskning på området visar på att framställningen av immigranter influerar samhällsattityder gentemot gruppen. Det betonar således vikten av fortsatt forskning på området. Syftet med studien är att erhålla förståelse och kunskap för konstruerandet av sociala grupper inom den politiska diskursen och dess potentiella implikationer för gruppen samt potentiell reproduktion av maktrelationer. Studien utgör en kritisk diskursanalys varvid Faircloughs tredimensionella modell samt tillhörande teoretiska begrepp och resonemang används. Studiens resultat synliggjorde en motsättning mellan de politiska partierna angående immigranter i förhållande till ansvar. Immigranter försattes i en omöjlig situation varvid gruppen antyddes ha ett eget ansvar, att de tog ansvar, att de måste börja ta ansvar samtidigt som de är okapabla till att ta ansvar. Vidare beskrevs immigranter som en ekonomisk belastning utifrån olika fokuspunkter såsom bidragstagande och en grupp som ökar risken för utbildningsinflation. Resultaten visade också på ett genomgående vi-och-dem perspektiv där immigranter tillskrevs identiteten dem med tillhörande diverse negativa associationer. Avslutningsvis tydliggörs att immigranters röst saknas i den offentliga debatten, det talas alltid om gruppen istället för med dem. Detta kan reproducera ett ojämlikt maktförhållande där de politiska partierna har makten inom diskursen att konstruera gruppen och ge dem en social identitet.

No description available.