This study seeks to create a systematic overview of the five biggest Greek-Cypriot political parties in terms of votes. The topic which is being examined is the political positions held by these parties towards the solution of the Cypriot Problem. The Cypriot problem is a very controversial topic in Cyprus given the fact that forty percent of the island is under Turkish occupation to this day. The attitudes towards finding a solution and the attitude towards a solution has been historically a topic of polarization, whereas certain groups in Cyprus have more values of Philhellenism and others believe in Cypriocentricism. The study seeks to identify the correlation of the aforementioned values in terms of certain types of nationalism, thus creating a systematic overview with the party positions from a G/C perspective.

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This thesis investigates the European Union (EU) effect on the economic activity across the Green Line in the divided Cyprus between 2004 and 2016. The primary focus is on the development and implementation of the EU's Green Line Regulation (GLR), which regulates and enables such activity from three aspects: movement of goods, services, and persons. In tracing the EU effect, this thesis provides a critical appraisal of the GLR on whether it provides an adequate legal framework for the economic activity in those three aspects and the extent to which it has contributed to the development of economic cooperation between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities across the divide. The analysis also pays an equal level of attention to the extent to which the EU effect has been mediated by the factors at the domestic level: the roles of legal framework, ethno-politics in political elites, ethno-politics in civil society, and governance. The investigation of this study is pegged in two academic literatures. The first one is the Europeanisation debate, which concerns with the EU effect in the domestic affairs of countries associated with the EU. This thesis borrows three mechanisms of Europeanisation from this debate in order to test the EU effect on the three aspects of economic activity across the divide in Cyprus: i) institutional compliance, ii) change of domestic opportunity structures, iii) cognitive change. The second academic literature is the liberal peace, which it proposes that greater economic interactions and development of economic interdependence between countries facilitate resolution of their conflicts. The insights from this debate is utilised for conceptualising the EU's GLR as a liberal peace project. While Europeanisation is portrayed as a 'process', liberal peace objectives are seen as the 'ultimate destination', which the 'vehicle' of the EU's GLR will drive the island towards it. This thesis argues that the GLR has only achieved a limited success and largely failed to contribute to the development of economic cooperation across the divide in Cyprus. This is mainly because the Europeanisation process have been heavily mediated and negated by the design shortcomings of the GLR as well as the factors at the domestic level, which are inherently linked to the politics of division. In this context, this thesis aspires to make contribution in both empirical and conceptual terms. The in-depth and critical investigation of the GLR as well as of the economic activity across the divide in Cyprus provides a much-needed contribution to the contemporary politics of Cyprus, which has been largely ignored by the existing academic literature. Additionally, the conceptual framework developed in this thesis allows exploring synergies between the theoretical literatures of Europeanisation and liberal peace and combines them with examination of new empirical evidence. This focus captures insights on how Europeanisation can be used as a 'tool' for pursuing liberal peace objectives in contested statehood, beyond what has been researched so far and also provides a blueprint for other similar cases of conflict.

Conflict in deeply divided societies often has a profound impact both on the societies in which the conflict is located, and on the surrounding states and societies. Constitutional engineers working in such societies are inevitably attracted to power-sharing as a means of stabilising inter-group relations. Consociational democracy is a form of power-sharing democracy which is particularly attractive for a divided society, because its demands on the society are relatively few. It aims to separate the communities in the conflict as much as possible, while emphasising elite co-operation in the formal institutions of government. A difficulty with consociational democracy, however, is that the elite co-operation it requires to function is also required for the system to be adopted, yet will not necessarily be present. Cyprus is an excellent example of the difficulty of gaining agreement on a consociational regime for a divided society. In 1963, the consociational Republic of Cyprus collapsed as a result of mistrust between Greek and Turkish Cypriots. In 2004, a consociational system of government was designed for Cyprus by a team of UN experts under the direction of then-Secretary-General, Kofi Annan. The system of government was rejected in April 2004 at a referendum, and, consequently, was not adopted. This thesis examines why Cyprus has thus far been unable to adopt a political settlement. Failure is as hard to explain as success. Success may have many fathers and failure none, but there are as many possible causes of a failure as of a success. There is also the difficulty of the counter-factual: what facts would need to be different to produce success where experience is only of failure. The thesis systematically examines possible causes of failure, including the idea of consociational democracy itself, the particular consociational designs proposed for Cyprus, and the influence of historical aspirations and experiences. Particular attention is paid to the idea that there may be key factors which must be present before a consociational solution can be adopted. The factors, selected for this case study for their apparent relevance to Cyprus, are elite co-operation, segmental isolation, a balance of power between the disputant groups, and the ability of the international community to offer incentives for compromise. It is argued that these factors, especially elite relations and the complex web of causes which determine these, are central to an explanation of the Cyprus experience.

This study is concerned with determining whether the Turkish newspaper, Cumhuriyet, and the Greek newspaper, To Vima, differed in their coverage of the 1974 Cyprus crisis, Issues of the newspapers covering the period, July 16-August 31, 1974, were examined, News items related to the crisis were categorized as hard news, soft news, editorials, and illustrations. Totals for each category were measured in column inches and converted to percentages of total available space in each newspaper, Categories were added to obtain total coverage of the crisis by each newspaper. This study concludes that Cumhuriyet devoted proportionately more coverage to the crisis than To Vima, in both total coverage and all news categories.

This thesis brings together women artists art practices situated in five key periods of Cyprus socio-political history: British colonial rule, anti-colonial struggle, 1960 Independent, the 1974 Turkish invasion and its aftermath of a divided Cyprus, which remains the case in the present day. Such study has not been done before, and for this, the current thesis aims to provide a critical knowledge of the richness and diversity of Greek Cypriot women's art practices that have frequently been marginalised and rarely been written about or researched. As the title suggests, this thesis engages in rethinking the history of Cypriot art by focusing on the art produced by women artists in Cyprus. By focusing primarily on the work of Greek Cypriot women artists I am interested to explore the conditions within which, through which and against which, women negotiate political processes in Cyprus while making art that is predominantly engaged in specific politicised patterns. The meeting point for the artists is their awareness of being women artists living in a colonised, patriarchal country under Greek Cypriot nationality. While these artists assumed very different positions in their experience of the several phases of Cyprus history, they all negotiate in their practice territorial boundaries and specific identity patterns. Significant to my thesis are a number of questions that I discuss in relation to women artists professional careers and private lives: nationalism, militarism, patriarchy, male dominance, social and cultural codes, ethnic conflict, trauma, imposed displacement through war, memory and women's roles, especially as mothers, in modern and contemporary Cyprus. Thus, I address questions of how women artists in Cyprus experienced such phenomena and how these phenomena affected both their lives and their art practices.

This research is the first of its kind to explore the complexity of the Irish interaction with empire using one particular case study, British Cyprus during the period of the EOKA insurgency, 1955-59. There are three main areas of enquiry. Firstly, it traces the Twenty-Six County response to decolonisation in Cyprus. Ireland’s anti-colonial credentials have been cited frequently but all too fleetingly. No comprehensive study has been done on post-independent Ireland’s response to British decolonisation anywhere. Popular opinion and how it was reflected in the Irish press organs is examined to gauge if the response was an expression of a wider Irish anticolonial sensibility or a suitable peg upon which to hang Irish nationalist grievances. In dealing with the republican response to the EOKA insurgency, it reveals that no closer relationship was formed between active Irish republicans and foreign anticolonial insurgents than that which existed between the IRA and EOKA. Secondly, this work deals with the Irish institutional response to the Cyprus Question. The motivations behind the muted response by the Catholic Church and the more active response by the Church of Ireland are examined. In the field of Irish foreign policy, it covers the Irish government’s official response and the substantial role played by Irish delegates at the Council of Europe and at the United Nations on the Cyprus Question. Thirdly, this work analyses the Irish participation in British Cyprus during the period of the EOKA insurgency. In the latter half of the 1950s, Ireland continued to be far more involved in Britain’s colonial outposts than the hegemonic nationalist narrative then or since has acknowledged. This work serves as a corrective by providing an account of the Irish judicial and military contribution to law and order in Cyprus during the period of the EOKA insurgency. The research sheds light on neglected aspects of 1950s Ireland and enriches the existing literature on Ireland and Empire. It adds new depths to the existing body of material dealing with the Cyprus Emergency. The importance of the discoveries made by analysing the Irish interaction with the Cyprus Emergency adds weight to the concept of approaching British imperial history using the archipelagic or ‘fournation’ model. The following provides one piece of that particular jigsaw.

Nowadays, buildings are responsible for the 40% of energy consumption in the European Union, with energy up to 68% being coherent with thermal loads. Acknowledging the great potential of building sector, a substantial amount of the current building inventory must be refurbished, based on the trade-offs between energy and thermal comfort. To this effect, this study investigates the impact of retrofitting measures in residential envelope for areas experience Mediterranean climate. Seven detached houses, located in Cyprus, were modelled, investigating 253 parameters of envelope interventions and also, 7,056 combinations of these measures. In general, the findings revealed a seasonal performance variation of interventions with regards to the outdoor climate. The application of roof insulation determined as the most economic viable solution during retrofitting (single interventions), achieving a reduction up to 25% of annual energy consumption with enhancement of the indoor thermal environment. In the perspective of synergies between interventions, the application of roof and external walls thermal insulation with upgrade of glazing system with double Low-E demonstrated exemplary levels of performance decreasing on average energy consumption up to 38%.The findings of this research will contribute on the development of guidelines for designers and house builders for a perceptual retrofitting of existing residential envelopes in Cyprus and also, for countries experiencing the Mediterranean climate.

In Cyprus that experienced British imperial rule from 1878 until 1960, Greek and Turkish nationalism developed at different historical periods and at different paces. Relations between Turkish Cypriots and the British on the one hand, and Greek Cypriots and the British on the other, were asymmetrical. During the colonial era in Cyprus, the Muslim community had undergone an enormous change in terms of national/ethnic identity and class characteristics. Turkish Cypriot nationalism developed belatedly as a militant nationalist and anti-Enosis movement. Against this background this thesis explores the relationship between the emergence of the Turkish national identity and the British colonial rule because the latter set out the international, political, social and ideological context wherein the Turkish national identity was shaped. In particular this thesis focusing on the period between the two World Wars (1923-1939) when the transformation of the Muslims of Cyprus into Turkish Cypriots occurred, examines the extent to which the British rule affected the process of development of Turkish nationalism on Cyprus. This thesis discusses educational and administrative policies implemented by the British rule that had an impact on the politics of the Muslim community of Cyprus. The development of Turkish Cypriot national identity is also placed in the broader international context of the Eastern Mediterranean, with due attention being paid to the role of both Turkey and Italy. The impact of the Kemalist reforms on Cyprus and the resultant division of Turkish Cypriots into two conflicting groups of Kemalists and traditionalists is presented, and British fears of Italian expansionism under Mussolini are also examined. The final conclusion is that while a Turkish Cypriot identity would inevitably have developed, the divisive way it developed was a result of the imperial policies the British rule implemented during the period in question.

My work explores the development of the security and defence structures of the Cypriot state in the turbulent post-colonial years 1959-65. After a series of political imbroglios, exacerbated by the involution of external actors in the internal affairs of the nascent bicommunal Republic of Cyprus (established in 1960, preceded by a Greek Cypriot national-liberation revolution), the constitutional arrangement between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots collapsed. In the 1959-63 period, new bicommunal institutions are set, and the creation of these institutions is characterised by political arbitrariness and power rivalries. I term this process “structural flux” and during this time a “security deficit” for the Greek Cypriots developed out of fear of Turkish partition plans for the island. The crisis culminated violently in 1963-64 and the political, legal, and institutional rearrangements of that crucial period left a lasting effect. Through interaction between scholarly literature and the emerging data of the Greek Cypriot case-study, the thesis develops a novel theoretical framework to analyse conflict situations in new states, or states-in-transition, and understand societal feelings of security and insecurity. In particular, the thesis analyses how the Greek Cypriots responded to threats coming from the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey, the first in the form of wide-scale violent disturbances on the island, and the second in the form of threats for an invasion, termed “sociological” and “geopolitical security deficit” respectively. I then proceed to explain how the Greek Cypriot elites reacted to this threat with the limited resources available and in a relatively short period of time, mustering support from thousands of volunteers amongst the wider population. The study then zooms in on the crucial months between November 1963 and August 1964 when, incapable to counter the threat otherwise, and after the dissolution of the bicommunal government, a constellation of disparate Greek Cypriot forces took over both the internal security and the external defence of the now Greek-controlled Republic of Cyprus. It consisted of citizen paramilitary formations, known as omádhes, usually headed by ex-revolutionaries, officers of the defunct Cyprus Army, policemen, and gendarmes. The monocommunally-controlled state armed citizen volunteers in a process I call the “communalisation of the monopoly of violence”. I have termed this hastily built, largely unplanned model, with a significant overlap and blurring between military, police, and paramilitary roles, as “chaotic security structure”. The social origins of these forces, rooted in the small, agrarian Greek Cypriot society are also explored, as well as their complex institutional intertwining, which was mired with the often conflictual and unstable political and personal relationships between their members. The final parts of the thesis analyse the consolidation of this “chaotic security structure”, the “decommunalisation” of the monopoly of violence and its contribution to polity-building. The end of the events signalled the creation of a new professional military force, wholly Greek Cypriot in composition, the National Guard, on the chaotic infrastructure of the past, the amalgamation of the Police and the Gendarmerie into one force, the clear demarcation between police and military roles, and the dissolution of the paramilitary formations. Considering the lack of formal structures in relation to the events, and the limited existence of documents, I employed a methodological approach blending semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. Overall, the thesis makes a theoretical contribution to the understanding of post-colonial civil-police and civil-military relations, with a keen interest on the recruitment of new police and military personnel out of former revolutionaries as well as a particular focus on paramilitarism and the cultural factors that contribute to its emergence, including phenomena such as volunteerism and vigilantism. It uses the Greek Cypriot community in 1963-64 Cyprus as a case-study to understand momentous phases in polity-building such as the transitional periods between a violent crisis and the return to peaceful normality.