Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis identifies and explains the critical changes that have occurred in the complex system of interrelated rules which have governed the defense budget process in Poland since 1989. This research explains the legal and institutional evolution of the defense budget process in post-communist Poland, focusing on the role of legislative authority i.e., the Sejm and the Senat of the Republic of Poland within the defense budget process since the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. It also analyzes the distribution of power among the different actors in the budget cycle. This is followed by a thorough description of rules imposed by the Law on Restructuring, Technical Modernization and Financing of the Polish Armed Forces in the Years 2001-2006, and the Act of Equipping the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland with Multi-Role Aircraft. These two documents were instrumental in shaping defense spending in Poland in the years 2001-2003 and will have a great impact on future decisions concerning defense budgets in the years to come. An overview of defense spending by European members of NATO is also provided to allow a comparison of Poland's willingness to commit resources to the common defense of other NATO members. / Captain, Polish Air Forces

[pt] O presente trabalho trata do orçamento de Defesa no Brasil, analisando o processo de elaboração do orçamento do Ministério da Defesa e das Forças Armadas, bem como os mecanismos políticos e administrativos utilizados para sua consolidação em âmbito federal, e sua aprovação pelo Congresso Nacional. Nesse sentido, evidencia-se o elevado grau de autonomia das Armas no desenvolvimento de seus orçamentos e na definição de sua agenda financeira. A supremacia do poder civil sobre as Forças Armadas é um dos pilares que constituem um regime democrático. Embora tenha havido avanços significativos nas relações civis-militares nos últimos 30 anos, o elevado nível de autonomia das Forças Armadas em questões como orçamento de Defesa, que deveriam ser amplamente discutidas por instituições civis, é um indicativo de que o Ministério da Defesa não é relevante para o controle civil sobre a caserna. Em sua organização enquanto corporação, as Forças Armadas visam a sua manutenção e garantia de seus interesses. Assim, no âmbito das questões orçamentárias, para assegurarem suas demandas, se utilizam de diversos mecanismo, entre eles, um intenso trabalho de assessoria parlamentar dentro do Congresso Nacional. / [en] The present work deals with the Defense budget in Brazil, analyzing the budget elaboration process of the Ministry of Defense and the Armed Forces, as well as the political and administrative mechanisms used for its consolidation at the federal level, and its approval by the Congress. From that point of view, the high degree of autonomy of the Arms in developing their budgets and defining their financial agenda is evident. The supremacy of civil power over the Armed Forces is one of the pillars that constitute a democratic regime. Although there have been significant advances in civil-military relations over the past 30 years, the high level of autonomy of the Armed Forces on issues such as the Defense budget, which should be widely discussed by civilian institutions, is an indication that the Ministry of Defense is not relevant to civil control over the barracks. In its organization as a corporation, the Armed Forces aim to maintain and guarantee its interests. Thus, in the scope of budgetary issues, to ensure their demands, various mechanisms are used, including an intense work of parliamentary advisory within the Congress.

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze accounts of presented narratives in defense bills and any changes to them over time regarding Sweden's defense. Design / Method: A descriptive study was designed. The data material for the study's background consists of quantitative data, taken from public sources regarding population statistics, GDP in SEK (billions) and in percent, inflation and consumer price index, which have been analyzed and interpreted regarding similarities in values. The study's main data is taken from nine defense bills from the year 1986 until 2021. This data have been analyzed by close reading and after a qualitative analysis was performed on the collected data material. Findings: (Background). Sweden's defense spending in relation to GDP has fallen continuously. In particular, a large reduction can be noted from 1990 onwards from 2.6% to 1.3% in 2020. A change in the security policy situation after 1989 can also be seen in the changes to defense spending. Changes can also be seen after 2014, when defense spending increased sharply.  (Foreground-Figure). The analysis of narratives in the defense bills shows: (i) a narrative of a total defense (including military and civilian) regardless of a decline or rise in defense spending, (ii) the narrative of external events that affect defense policy, political behavior and decisions (iii) the narrative of threats against Sweden and of non-threats, and (iv) the narrative of the national identity as neutral and militarily non-aligned despite having a defensive alliance in practice. Conclusions: The thematic map of narratives in defense bills shows that accounts about current security and defense policy contain an ambiguity between the narratives about security policy on the one hand and the practical exercise of defense policy, on the other. This is probably due to an ideological view of security policy and to a collective self-image of neutrality and non-alignment, and being a clear voice for human rights, freedom and democracy in all parts of the world, rather than taking an actual pragmatic defense view. This pattern is found throughout the defense bills and expresses a kind of elitist perspective on one's own security policy stance. The study thus suggests that the narrative about the national self-image of neutrality is about the specific common experience and history from the 1940s to today and which has been communicated as specifically Swedish. This self-image appears as a foundation of Swedish security policy.  With regard to defense costs, it can be stated that when no perceived impending military threat in the immediate area, defense spending is reduced. / Syfte: Syftet med denna studie var att analysera framställningar presenterade som narrativ i försvarspropositioner och eventuella förändringar av dem över tid avseende Sveriges försvar. Design/metod: En beskrivande (deskriptiv) studie utformades. Källmaterialet till studiens bakgrundsbeskrivning består av kvantitativ data, hämtat från offentliga källor gällande befolkningsstatistik, BNP i kr (miljarder) och i procent, inflation och konsumentprisindex och som analyserats och tolkats gällande likheter i värden. Studiens huvuddata består av nio försvarspropositioner från åren 1986 till 2021. Dessa har använts för närläsningar och en kvalitativ analys utfördes på det insamlade datamaterialet.  Resultat: (Resultat bakgrund). Sveriges försvarsutgifter i förhållande till BNP har sjunkit kontinuerligt. Särskilt kan noteras en omfattande neddragning från år 1990 och framåt från 2,6 % till 1,3 % år 2020. Ett förändrat säkerhetspolitiskt läge efter 1989 syns i förändringen av försvarsutgifter. Förändringar syns också efter år 2014 då försvarsutgifterna ökat kraftigt. (Resultat förgrund-figur). Analysen av narrativ i försvarspropositionerna visar: (i) narrativet om totalförsvaret som just ett totalt försvar trots dess ned- och uppmontering, (ii) narrativet om omvärldshändelser som påverkar försvarspolitiken, politiska beteenden och beslut (iii) narrativet om hotbilder mot Sverige och om icke-hot, samt (iv) narrativet om självbilden som neutral och militärt alliansfri trots en allierad försvarspraktik och politik.  Slutsatser: Den tematiska kartan över narrativ i försvarspropositioner, visar en berättelse om en tvetydighet mellan narrativen om säkerhetspolitiken å ena sidan och det praktiska försvarspolitiska utövandet, å den andra. Detta beror troligen på att den nationella kollektiva självbilden innehåller en ideologisk syn på neutralitet och alliansfrihet, samt på rollen av en klar röst för mänskliga rättigheter, frihet och demokrati i världens alla delar, snarare än en pragmatisk syn på försvarspolitik. Detta narrativ finns genomgående i försvarspropositionerna och uttrycker ett slags elitistiskt perspektiv på den egna säkerhetspolitiska hållningen. Denna nationella självbild framstår som ett grundelement för säkerhetspolitiken.  När det gäller försvarskostnader, kan konstateras att när man inte uppfattar något förestående militärt hot i närområdet, så sparas det på försvarsutgifterna.

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to analyze accounts of presented narratives in defense bills and any changes to them over time regarding Sweden's defense. Design / Method: A descriptive study was designed. The data material for the study's background consists of quantitative data, taken from public sources regarding population statistics, GDP in SEK (billions) and in percent, inflation and consumer price index, which have been analyzed and interpreted regarding similarities in values. The study's main data is taken from nine defense bills from the year 1986 until 2021. This data have been analyzed by close reading and after a qualitative analysis was performed on the collected data material. Findings: (Background). Sweden's defense spending in relation to GDP has fallen continuously. In particular, a large reduction can be noted from 1990 onwards from 2.6% to 1.3% in 2020. A change in the security policy situation after 1989 can also be seen in the changes to defense spending. Changes can also be seen after 2014, when defense spending increased sharply.  (Foreground-Figure). The analysis of narratives in the defense bills shows: (i) a narrative of a total defense (including military and civilian) regardless of a decline or rise in defense spending, (ii) the narrative of external events that affect defense policy, political behavior and decisions (iii) the narrative of threats against Sweden and of non-threats, and (iv) the narrative of the national identity as neutral and militarily non-aligned despite having a defensive alliance in practice. Conclusions: The thematic map of narratives in defense bills shows that accounts about current security and defense policy contain an ambiguity between the narratives about security policy on the one hand and the practical exercise of defense policy, on the other. This is probably due to an ideological view of security policy and to a collective self-image of neutrality and non-alignment, and being a clear voice for human rights, freedom and democracy in all parts of the world, rather than taking an actual pragmatic defense view. This pattern is found throughout the defense bills and expresses a kind of elitist perspective on one's own security policy stance. The study thus suggests that the narrative about the national self-image of neutrality is about the specific common experience and history from the 1940s to today and which has been communicated as specifically Swedish. This self-image appears as a foundation of Swedish security policy.  With regard to defense costs, it can be stated that when no perceived impending military threat in the immediate area, defense spending is reduced. / Syfte: Syftet med denna studie var att analysera framställningar presenterade som narrativ i försvarspropositioner och eventuella förändringar av dem över tid avseende Sveriges försvar. Design/metod: En beskrivande (deskriptiv) studie utformades. Källmaterialet till studiens bakgrundsbeskrivning består av kvantitativ data, hämtat från offentliga källor gällande befolkningsstatistik, BNP i kr (miljarder) och i procent, inflation och konsumentprisindex och som analyserats och tolkats gällande likheter i värden. Studiens huvuddata består av nio försvarspropositioner från åren 1986 till 2021. Dessa har använts för närläsningar och en kvalitativ analys utfördes på det insamlade datamaterialet.  Resultat: (Resultat bakgrund). Sveriges försvarsutgifter i förhållande till BNP har sjunkit kontinuerligt. Särskilt kan noteras en omfattande neddragning från år 1990 och framåt från 2,6 % till 1,3 % år 2020. Ett förändrat säkerhetspolitiskt läge efter 1989 syns i förändringen av försvarsutgifter. Förändringar syns också efter år 2014 då försvarsutgifterna ökat kraftigt. (Resultat förgrund-figur). Analysen av narrativ i försvarspropositionerna visar: (i) narrativet om totalförsvaret som just ett totalt försvar trots dess ned- och uppmontering, (ii) narrativet om omvärldshändelser som påverkar försvarspolitiken, politiska beteenden och beslut (iii) narrativet om hotbilder mot Sverige och om icke-hot, samt (iv) narrativet om självbilden som neutral och militärt alliansfri trots en allierad försvarspraktik och politik.  Slutsatser: Den tematiska kartan över narrativ i försvarspropositioner, visar en berättelse om en tvetydighet mellan narrativen om säkerhetspolitiken å ena sidan och det praktiska försvarspolitiska utövandet, å den andra. Detta beror troligen på att den nationella kollektiva självbilden innehåller en ideologisk syn på neutralitet och alliansfrihet, samt på rollen av en klar röst för mänskliga rättigheter, frihet och demokrati i världens alla delar, snarare än en pragmatisk syn på försvarspolitik. Detta narrativ finns genomgående i försvarspropositionerna och uttrycker ett slags elitistiskt perspektiv på den egna säkerhetspolitiska hållningen. Denna nationella självbild framstår som ett grundelement för säkerhetspolitiken.  När det gäller försvarskostnader, kan konstateras att när man inte uppfattar något förestående militärt hot i närområdet, så sparas det på försvarsutgifterna.

The United Kingdom is imprinted in our historical memory as the birthplace of modern democracy, the rule of law and respect to private ownership. However, this memory reflects deep history of the 19th century rather than the present state of affairs. The English like other developed nations have acquired the policy of state interventions, nationalization of private enterprise for a compensation, fight against the economic cycle in an unprecedented consensus. Many of the contemporaries assess England through the prism of Margaret Thatcher, however, as demonstrated in this work, her right-winged policy proved an exception to the Conservative Party's rule. Historiography ascribes the reasons of the situation especially to the Labour Party. A number of history works limits the causality of the state growth to the onset of the Laborites. It is apparent, however, that the search for the reasons of the state of affairs needs to quest much deeper in history. Despite its name, the Liberal Party is an institution with a long tradition of state-positive thinking. It was the new Radical Liberals who arrived with a "ransom" theory as well as the program of urban socialism, which does not seem to be a symptom of the laissez faire era in the today's regulated world of private waterworks, gas and electric power...