The main purpose of this dissertation attempts to clarify the relations between imposed institutional change and social development in terms of Taiwan¡¦s development experiences. There are chiefly three studies in the dissertation. First of all, we reexamine Taiwan¡¦s democratic transition in institutional analysis. With regard to a political entrepreneur model, we shed light on the reasons why the transaction costs of Taiwan¡¦s democratic transition are not expensive and why the process of institutional change is relatively smooth. Secondly, we also explored the development of Taiwan¡¦s IC industry by virtue of imposed institutional analysis. We find it is the desirable government policies and appropriate institutional innovations that Taiwan¡¦s IC industry has made progress at a rapid rate in recent years. Finally, we analyze the interaction between technological choice and economic growth in terms of introducing adjustment costs of technology within a dynamic framework. We make a first attempt at exploring the technological adjustment costs on the rate of steady-state growth and the transitional behavior of the economy in an endogenous growth model.

The thesis examines the social memory of Soviet period in Ukraine on the national and regional levels drawing on the conceptual framework of social memory as shared, normative and formative knowledge of the past, subject to contentious interpretations of various groups and reflecting the power structure of the society. The analysis of the law on the rehabilitation of victims of political repressions in Ukraine, the law on the Holodomor as genocide against Ukrainian nation, and the decommunization laws shows that on the official level Ukraine moved from an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet legacy, in which Stalinism was repudiated, to the condemnation of Soviet power as a whole. On the regional level, the study reveals the divisive memory of the Soviet past. The analysis of the activities of the Memorial Society, of monuments to the prisoners executed in Lviv by retreating Soviets in June of 1941, of the Museum-Prison on Lontsky street and other museums and monuments shows that in Lviv, as in the Baltic States, the Soviet power is viewed as an alien regime, imposed on freedom-loving Ukrainians by Soviet Russia tyranny. On the opposite side of Lviv is Donetsk. The analysis of the memorial landscape of the city shows that the Donbas memory of the 1930s, as in Soviet times and in Russia, is based on an official forgetting of the repressions. The general assessment of the Soviet past is positive is incorporated into the collective identity of Donetsk as its integral part. After the Euromaidan events of late 2013-early 2014 the opposite memories of the Soviet past became even more apparent. Soviet past in Ukraine is a complex historical period. Examples of post-second world war Western Europe shows that a society, which wants to rebuild itself after a traumatic, divisive past, has to work through this past critically and honestly through an extremely difficult, but necessary open public debate. Only free exchange of opinions, where diversity of perspectives and interpretations of the Soviet experience would be heard, will allow Ukrainian society to grasp the complexity of the Soviet past and to build an inclusive, pluralist democracy.

O objetivo geral da presente tese é identificar os elementos que diferenciam a trajetória dos partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile. Para tanto, optou-se por estudar os dois maiores partidos: o PFL/DEM no Brasil, e a UDI no Chile. Com base no modelo organizacional de Panebianco e Wolinetz, as hipóteses testadas nesta pesquisa buscaram na gênese partidária, modelo de organização interna, e objetivos partidários (vote-seeking, policy- seeking, e officeseeking), as principais variáveis para explicar o crescimento e declínio eleitoral dos partidos em análise. Desse modo, verificou-se que o nascimento e a permanência do PFL/DEM no governo (office-seeking) inviabilizou o fortalecimento organizacional do partido e a sua capacidade de resiliência na condição de oposição. Em contrapartida, a situação oposta favoreceu o crescimento da UDI, que na condição de oposição, desenvolveu uma institucionalização forte, utilizando-se de estratégias (vote-seeking) para arrefecer o impacto decorrente da não participação no governo, construindo um contínuo processo de interrelação entre a cúpula dirigente e suas bases sociais. Diante de um contexto socioeconômico desigual, típico dos dois países em análise, a UDI aliou o seu processo de fortalecimento organizacional com a harmonização e segmentação de sua oferta política. / The main aim of this PhD dissertation is to identify the elements that differentiate the trajectory of the right parties in Brazil and Chile. Therefore, we chose to study the two major parties: PFL/DEM in Brazil, and the UDI in the Chilean case. Based on the organizational model of Panebianco and Wolinetz, the hypotheses tested in this study investigates in the genesis of the parties, internal organizational model, and parties goals(vote-seeking, policyseeking, and office- seeking), the main variables to explain the electoral growth and decline of the parties in question. Thus, it was verify that the birth and permanence of the PFL/DEM in the government (office-seeking) prevented the organizational strengthening of the party and your resilience capacity in opposition condition. In contrast, the opposite situation favored the growth of the UDI, which, in opposition condition, developed a strong institutionalization, using strategies (vote-seeking) to cool the impact of the non-participation in the government, building a continuous interrelation process between the top leadership and your social bases. Faced with an uneven socio-economic context, typical of the two countries analyzed, the UDI has teamed your organizational strengthening process with the harmonization and segmentation of your political offer.

Le contrôle de constitutionnalité, pour la plupart des juristes en Chine, incarne une problématique primordiale : celle de la définition des limites au pouvoir politique et de l'encadrement de la relation entre les gouvernants et les gouvernés. Néanmoins, la présentation du système actuel de contrôle de constitutionnalité en Chine et le constat des obstacles à son effectivité conduisent à des interrogations : pourquoi faut-il améliorer ce contrôle de constitutionnalité ? Comment faire respecter les valeurs sociales par les normes juridiques? Par quelle voie l'écart entre les normes et la réalité peut-il disparaître ? Dans le contexte de transformation de l'État et de tendance à la mondialisation, l'ordre juridique et la réalité sociale en Chine convergent dans l'affirmation du besoin d'un réel contrôle de constitutionnalité. La thèse montre ainsi dans un premier temps que ce dernier est justifié par les liens étroits qui le lient désormais non seulement à l'Etat de droit, mais aussi à la démocratie. Pour répondre à ce besoin, deux scénarios sont dans un second temps envisagés. Le premier, celui de la spécialisation du contrôle par l'institution d'un organe en ayant la charge exclusive, propose une voie d'évolution interne à l'Assemblée nationale populaire, qui s'accompagnerait d'une procédure plus complète qu'à l'heure actuelle. Le second est au contraire celui de l'autonomisation du contrôle de constitutionnalité par la mise en place d'une juridiction constitutionnelle et l'affirmation d'une jurisprudence constitutionnelle. / The majority of the chinese jurists hold the opinion of enforcing the constitutional review, in order to build a limited governement and to reduce the tension between the citizens and the governors. This thesis investigated why this system of constitutional review should be better evolved and how to improve its efficiency ? In order to answer these questions, this study of the constitutional review in China is trying to elucidate the relationship among the value, norms and reality of the Constitution. This study discussed the rule of law and the democratic transition which are the main constitutional values and exigences but have yet been penetrated into the norms because of some political objections. Therefore, we studied the development of the constitutional review in two scenarios. Firstly, we discussed designing a special organ and improving the procedural justice within the actual system; Secondly, we argued the possibilities of the establishment of a constitutional court in China with the affirmation of constitutionnal jurisprudence, as well as commented on the major ideas and suggestions related to it. The last scenario seems to be ambitious, but we might be able to find some roots in chinese judicial order.

Ce travail cherche à rendre compte des enjeux socio-politiques qui ont caractérisé la campagne présidentielle mexicaine de 2006, ainsi que des stratégies discursives développées par les deux principaux candidats en lice, Andrés Manuel López Obrador et Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. En replaçant l’élection dans le cadre de la fin du régime autoritaire du PRI et de la transition démocratique au Mexique, nous nous attachons à montrer dans quelle mesure l’élection de 2006 s’inscrit dans la continuité des changements politiques et sociaux amorcés depuis les années 1970, et constitue en même temps un cas à part dans ce processus. La spécificité de cette élection naît de l’extrême incertitude qui pèse sur l’issue du scrutin, de l’affrontement qui se produit pour la première fois de l’histoire mexicaine contemporaine entre un parti de droite et une coalition de gauche ainsi que des stratégies discursives déployées par les candidats pour tenter de rallier leurs partisans à leur cause et de conquérir les électeurs indécis. En rupture avec les modalités de transmission du pouvoir propres au régime autoritaire, la conflictualité qui caractérise cette élection prend corps dans les manières de dire des candidats, et plus particulièrement dans leurs discours de meetings. L’étude des discours des candidats permet aussi bien de mettre au jour les mécanismes de persuasion et de légitimation à l’oeuvre dans les discours, que de saisir le lien qui les unit au positionnement politique et idéologique de chacun des candidats dans le cadre d’une médiatisation croissante du discours politique. / This dissertation aims to show the sociopolitical issues that characterized the 2006 presidential campaign in Mexico, as well as the discursive strategies used by the two main contenders, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. By putting the election back into the context of the authoritarian regime ending and the democratic transition in Mexico, we will show up to what point the 2006 election is part of the continuous political and social changes that have been happening since the 1970’s and can be defined at the same time as a particular case in this process. The particularity of this election results from the very uncertain result of the ballot, the first confrontation in the contemporary Mexican history between a right-wing party and a left-wing coalition and the discursive strategies the contenders resorted to in order to make their supporters join them and to appeal to the floating voters. This conflictive election breaks off the way political power was passed on during the authoritarian regime, and takes shape through the candidates’speeches, particularly the political massive events. They reflect the Mexican situation and contribute to create some representation of Mexico and his political players as a result of language twists. The study of the contenders’ discursive strategies brings to the light the persuasion and legitimation processes that characterize their speeches and make clear their linkswith the political and ideological stance of each one of the contenders within the framework of the increasing media coverage of political discourse.

O objetivo geral da presente tese é identificar os elementos que diferenciam a trajetória dos partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile. Para tanto, optou-se por estudar os dois maiores partidos: o PFL/DEM no Brasil, e a UDI no Chile. Com base no modelo organizacional de Panebianco e Wolinetz, as hipóteses testadas nesta pesquisa buscaram na gênese partidária, modelo de organização interna, e objetivos partidários (vote-seeking, policy- seeking, e officeseeking), as principais variáveis para explicar o crescimento e declínio eleitoral dos partidos em análise. Desse modo, verificou-se que o nascimento e a permanência do PFL/DEM no governo (office-seeking) inviabilizou o fortalecimento organizacional do partido e a sua capacidade de resiliência na condição de oposição. Em contrapartida, a situação oposta favoreceu o crescimento da UDI, que na condição de oposição, desenvolveu uma institucionalização forte, utilizando-se de estratégias (vote-seeking) para arrefecer o impacto decorrente da não participação no governo, construindo um contínuo processo de interrelação entre a cúpula dirigente e suas bases sociais. Diante de um contexto socioeconômico desigual, típico dos dois países em análise, a UDI aliou o seu processo de fortalecimento organizacional com a harmonização e segmentação de sua oferta política. / The main aim of this PhD dissertation is to identify the elements that differentiate the trajectory of the right parties in Brazil and Chile. Therefore, we chose to study the two major parties: PFL/DEM in Brazil, and the UDI in the Chilean case. Based on the organizational model of Panebianco and Wolinetz, the hypotheses tested in this study investigates in the genesis of the parties, internal organizational model, and parties goals(vote-seeking, policyseeking, and office- seeking), the main variables to explain the electoral growth and decline of the parties in question. Thus, it was verify that the birth and permanence of the PFL/DEM in the government (office-seeking) prevented the organizational strengthening of the party and your resilience capacity in opposition condition. In contrast, the opposite situation favored the growth of the UDI, which, in opposition condition, developed a strong institutionalization, using strategies (vote-seeking) to cool the impact of the non-participation in the government, building a continuous interrelation process between the top leadership and your social bases. Faced with an uneven socio-economic context, typical of the two countries analyzed, the UDI has teamed your organizational strengthening process with the harmonization and segmentation of your political offer.

O objetivo geral da presente tese é identificar os elementos que diferenciam a trajetória dos partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile. Para tanto, optou-se por estudar os dois maiores partidos: o PFL/DEM no Brasil, e a UDI no Chile. Com base no modelo organizacional de Panebianco e Wolinetz, as hipóteses testadas nesta pesquisa buscaram na gênese partidária, modelo de organização interna, e objetivos partidários (vote-seeking, policy- seeking, e officeseeking), as principais variáveis para explicar o crescimento e declínio eleitoral dos partidos em análise. Desse modo, verificou-se que o nascimento e a permanência do PFL/DEM no governo (office-seeking) inviabilizou o fortalecimento organizacional do partido e a sua capacidade de resiliência na condição de oposição. Em contrapartida, a situação oposta favoreceu o crescimento da UDI, que na condição de oposição, desenvolveu uma institucionalização forte, utilizando-se de estratégias (vote-seeking) para arrefecer o impacto decorrente da não participação no governo, construindo um contínuo processo de interrelação entre a cúpula dirigente e suas bases sociais. Diante de um contexto socioeconômico desigual, típico dos dois países em análise, a UDI aliou o seu processo de fortalecimento organizacional com a harmonização e segmentação de sua oferta política. / The main aim of this PhD dissertation is to identify the elements that differentiate the trajectory of the right parties in Brazil and Chile. Therefore, we chose to study the two major parties: PFL/DEM in Brazil, and the UDI in the Chilean case. Based on the organizational model of Panebianco and Wolinetz, the hypotheses tested in this study investigates in the genesis of the parties, internal organizational model, and parties goals(vote-seeking, policyseeking, and office- seeking), the main variables to explain the electoral growth and decline of the parties in question. Thus, it was verify that the birth and permanence of the PFL/DEM in the government (office-seeking) prevented the organizational strengthening of the party and your resilience capacity in opposition condition. In contrast, the opposite situation favored the growth of the UDI, which, in opposition condition, developed a strong institutionalization, using strategies (vote-seeking) to cool the impact of the non-participation in the government, building a continuous interrelation process between the top leadership and your social bases. Faced with an uneven socio-economic context, typical of the two countries analyzed, the UDI has teamed your organizational strengthening process with the harmonization and segmentation of your political offer.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / Many Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in South Africa are currently under pressure or threat of closure. Although there have been advances in civil society-state relations after the transition from apartheid to democracy, there has also been a steady decline in the number of CSOs in South Africa since 1994. The reasons for this decline are complex and varied. Given the value CSOs make in contributing to a lively democracy, it is important to explore the factors which enhance or undermine resilience in such organisations. This study focuses on understanding resilience among Non-government organisations (as an example of a CSO) in post-apartheid South Africa using Youth For Christ Cape Town as a case study. The site for this study was chosen as YFC Cape Town is arguably one of South Africa's oldest NGOs being formed in 1948. This study aims to, therefore, establish how CSOs in South Africa can ensure resilience and longevity in a complex and evolving political environment by drawing lessons from the selected case study. The elements which have emerged as being important to resilience are (1) Funding; (2) Technical skills; (3) Accessing networks; (4) Adaptation; (5) Core values; (6) Innovation; (7) Leadership. The study found that these factors should not be viewed as isolated elements but rather be seen as integrated developmental framework for ensuring resilience. Another key finding is located around organisational identity. Although adaptation in terms of how the organisation functions are necessary to navigate shifts in the environment, the identity of the organisation should remain the same. Organisations who change their identity amidst shocks and changes within the system are not very resilient while those who don't are.

Diploma thesis "Comparision of roles of Juan Carlos and Simeon II. in democratic transition and question of monarchy and monarchism in Spain and Bulgaria" deals with democratic transition and question of monarchy in two concrete countries that I chose: in Spain and in Bulgaria.I confront king of Spain Juan Carlos and former tsar Simeon II. in the process of democratic transition and way they solve problems with acceptance or exclusion of monarchy. Both countries are similar in one issue: duration of monarchy was interrupted for a very long time by undemocratic regime. In the text is described, how a big role can enact one key person within political system, how its positive and concrete outcomes or committed errors could bring acceptance or exclusion of monarchy. The text is divided into historical part and present.

While the Arab Spring has resulted in numerous different political outcomes across the Arab world, conventional theories of democratization are lacking in explaining these divergent outcomes. Developing a theory of democratization, strategic importance and external intervention, I examine the relationship between national strategic importance and democratization. I argue that strategically important states will be targeted by external actors in attempts to stifle or thwart democracy because democracy may upset the status quo that foreign actors benefit from. I do not find support for the hypothesis that strategic importance and democratization share a general negative relationship, however, I find moderate support that strategic importance is related to the timing of regime breakdown, democratic breakdown and democratic transition. Furthermore, in examining the cases of Bahrain, Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, I highlight key moments of external intervention and influence that impacted the democratization attempts of each case.