This thesis analyzes the role of political leadership in post-Soviet democratic transition in Kyrgyzstan by looking at the case of Askar Akaev. Despite the fact that a variety of components can be considered as relevant for the democratic transition process in Kyrgyzstan, due to the highly personalistic nature of Kyrgyz politics, the issue of political leadership needs to be addressed for this purpose. In that sense, the converse trajectories of Kyrgyz democratization (an initial democratic leap till mid-1990s which attracted world-wide attention and made Kyrgyzstan a promising candidate for democratization, afterward a democratic reversion and finally a slip to authoritarianism) correspond to the three stages in Akaev&amp / #8217 / s political leadership style (his emergence as a reform-minded politician, his initial liberal policies in political and economic spheres and his gradual reversion to authoritarianism). As a result, when Askar Akaev was ousted from his office in March 2005 by a public protest, Kyrgyzstan was far away from its world-wide accepted initial trajectory to democracy and became more similar to other authoritarian Central Asian Republics

The process of democratization in the successor states of the former Soviet Union has been widely studied by political scientists, sociologist and experts in area studies. Academic literature mainly focuses on the factors which would facilitate and/or hinder the process of democratization in the post-Soviet era. These include economic development, political culture, the nature of previous regime type, structural factors and the role of elite. This thesis analyzes the process of democratization in Georgia while focusing on the elite choices and initiatives. It mainly focuses on democratic achievements as well as the failures in democratization under the rule of three post-Soviet presidents of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Eduard Shevardnadze and Mikheil Saakashvili. While doing so, it compares and contrasts the practices, priorities and policies of three leaders and evaluates on the impact of different leadership patterns on the process of democratization. This thesis argues that democratization in post-Soviet countries in general and in Georgia in particular is mainly an elite-led process. The success and failure of this process depends on the elite choices and initiatives and the power relations between and within the elite groups.

This dissertation analyzes the presidencies of Askar Akaev (1991-2005) and Kurmanbek Bakiev (2005-2010) in Kyrgyzstan by looking at the referendums as well as the parliamentary and presidential elections held in this country in the post-Soviet era, with specific emphasis on the legitimacy of these two leaders as perceived by the Kyrgyz people. Based on the field research conducted in Kyrgyzstan, the study aims to shed some light on how the Kyrgyz people perceive issues of democracy, democratic transition, political leadership and political legitimacy in the post-Soviet era. The dissertation further focuses on how and why even the minimal requirements of democracy such as elections and referendums have been used in this country in order to increase executive power, despite the rhetoric of democratization promoted by the political leaders.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the last phrase of democratization process in Georgia that refers to democratic consolidation period, while focusing on the role of civil society organizations. The main focus area will be post-Rose Revolution period hence, the Rose Revolution that occurred in 2003 is considered as an example of democratic transition and as a nature of successful democratization development, the transition period must be followed by the democratic consolidation process. In order to examine the consolidation of democracy in Georgia, the study sheds light on the development of civil society, the aims of activities of civil societal actors and their relations with state, society, international actors and media. This thesis argues that in order to consolidate democracy, the civil society&rsquo / s interaction with state and society must be effectual however, the Georgian civil society organizations are unable to mediate the relations with state and society, especially after the Rose Revolution. As a result of the problematic relations, Georgian democratic consolidation process is failing. This thesis is based on the qualitative data which is collected during a fieldwork in Georgia.

ABSTRACT THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN GEORGIAN DEMOCRATIZATION Karadag, Yelda M.S., Department of Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ay&ccedil / a Ergun &Ouml / zbolat December 2011,181 Pages This thesis analyzes the development of the multi-party system and the role of political parties in the process of democratization in Georgia during both pre-independence and post-independence periods. The conditions shaping both the multi-party system and democratization are analyzed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with the representatives of political parties, civil society organizations and academicians in Georgia. In accordance with the post-Soviet political system, the nature of the relationship between the ruling party and the opposition is crucial. The diversification among the elite groups and the lack of pact formation among the political elite is the main reason which hinders the process of democratization. Hence, despite the Georgian political party system has numerous political parties / it is shaped in accordance with the dominant political party system.

Abstract 20 century end, the third wave democratization wave tide cause the snowballing effects, lead to the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe communist nation disintegration and walk the road that democracy transform. The Mainland China nature receives to relatively big impact, especially U.S¡Bformer Soviet Union the breakup of two very confrontation systems, make the western nation as to it¡¦s the military strategy and western value a victory of peaceful evolution believe deeply to do not move, cause the western nation more do not accept China domestic human rights to record not good. Under the effort of United Nations, the convenant of international human rights have become the human the lowest human rights standard possessed of 21 century, differ from the PRC regime words is a new imperialism to the China sovereignty of interfere with. The research believes at the world widespread acceptance democracy and human rights value, China will increase to the possibility that democracy transform.

The study is mainly to comprehend the historic background and status quo of Taiwan¡¦s labor welfare policy. Since the structure of welfare allocation was not accorded with equity and justice under the time of authoritarian regime and the content/structure of Taiwan¡¦s social welfare allocation were changed, the author would explore the substantive connotation of how KMT and DDP allocating the resources of labor welfare after democratization in Taiwan by way of integrately researching both parties¡¦ ideology of social welfare, the expenditure of welfare budge and policy measures, and using the definition of labor welfare¡¦s category based on the concept of social security as the research constructure to analyze how both parties allocate the resources of labor welfare while they were in power. During the process of democratic politics in the meantime, the policy of labor welfare is one of the national policies valued by each party. The democratic politics, economic development and power of civil society were emerged after the society and politics were liberalized in 1980s and the martial law was lifted in 1987. Regarding politics, the initial shape of party competition was forming as the advantage of KMT¡¦s dominant rule has been challenged and DPP was established. Therefore, during the process of party competition in 1990s, many policies of labor welfare were presented, especially in the compaign of election, each party suggested a lot of appealing policies of labor welfare to attract votes and win the election. Taiwan experienced the first party turnover in 2000 when DDP substituted for KMT to be the party who led Taiwan society which carried significance to Taiwanese. Whether the development of Taiwan labor¡¦s welfare would go on to become systematized, high-qualified and high-efficient, it depends on many variables of political/economic systems and social change. Overall, the welfare politics of democratic system with pluralistic competetion could be gradually fulfilled by representative politics, but such kind of multi-construct would be the paradise for vested interests, while the field which people could join in competing with adequate capacities will determine whether the allocation of social welfare resources and such consensus would be lifted or established. If such social consensus could be built up, then, the general welfare of welfare state and indiscriminate reallocative system would be achieved naturally without effort and there would also be an opportunity to promote national unity.

<p>Bortom historien slut – Beyond the end of history</p><p>According to Robert Dahl there are seven criteria that have to be fulfilled in order for a state to be democratic. Dahl also states that there are several factors that effect the development of democracy. In today’s world it is mostly developing countries that have failed to bring about democratic changes. It is the developing country that is in focus in this thesis.</p><p>The purpose is to examine if there are any particularly advantageous factors that can bring about or promote the development of democratic institutions.</p><p>The questions are:</p><p>What factor has effected the development of democratic institutions?</p><p>Which, if any, of Dahl’s seven criteria is found within each state today?; do they correctly reflect the democratic situation?</p><p>Can any connection between the states democratic development be found in a comparison?</p><p>In a comparison between nine countries the different factors have been examined. The result shows that pluralism is a key factor for development of democracy in a developing country. External influence is on the other hand not important.</p><p>Keywords: developing countries, democratization, Robert Dahl</p><p>Nyckerlord: utvecklingsländer, demokratisering</p>

<p>There is a growing awareness that multinational companies have opportunities to influence political conditions. Ethical activities made by multinational companies and “Corporate Social Responsibility” (CSR) can therefore function as a positive input in society. The primary purpose of this master thesis is to investigate CSR´s contribution to strengthen human rights, and thereby to democratization. The research questions are listed below:</p><p>1. How can the CSR-phenomenon be analyzed in relation to constructivism, legitimacy and democratization through external pressure and civil society?</p><p>2. What initiatives have been undertaken by nonstate- and intergovernmental actors for companies´ implementation of human rights?</p><p>3. How can CSR-principles be organized in future?</p><p>4. How can the CSR-phenomenon be exemplified and related to current human rights-issues in the case of Russia?</p><p>The theoretical approach represents a somewhat untraditional view on democratization and its origins. Multinational companies are traditionally not analyzed as strengtheners of human rights. The theoretical framework of this thesis is developed from theories of constructivism, legitimacy and democratization through external pressure and civil society and aims to be a tool in analyzing CSR´s contribution to democratization.</p><p>The study builds on primary as well as secondary sources, and the method is of a qualitative character. The explorative and descriptive nature of the study can shape a ground for further research, perspectives, and debates on CSR and democratization. The case of Russia gives a concrete exemplification of CSR. An analytical instrument is developed to summarize and illustrate how CSR can be studied.</p><p>The results of the study give an analytical approach to CSR´s contribution to strengthen the situation for human rights in states. The analytical framework was useful to make an analytical description of important aspects regarding the phenomenon. There are limitations in showing correlations in real empirical effects. As a consequence, the study shows its strength in the theoretical debate. On the other hand, the empirical results show that CSR could contribute to development and improvements in human rights-related issues in general and in Russia.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, August 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.